on board such vessels, can be considered as a hostile measure, or a justifiable cause of war. Some observations are then made on other topics brought forward by the American government as causes for its declaration of hostilities, and on its conduct in displaying at such a period its subserviency to the ambitious designs of the ruler of France and his royal highness declares his resolution of persisting in the public principles of policy which Great Britain has so long and invariably maintained, in repelling injustice, and supporting the general rights of nations. (See State Papers.)

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On February 18th, lord Castlereagh rose in the House of Commons, and made a speech on the subject of the negociations with America which had been laid before the House, concerning which, he said that the chief point towards which their attention would be directed, was, whether it had been in the power of ministers, by any exertion, to have pre vented the much-to-be-deprecated war in which we were now engaged. After expressing the great concern he himself felt at this occurrence, he said that the question before the House was simply this, whether in this war justice was or was not on the side of Great Britain? and the proposition he meant to ground on their decision in the affirmative, was, that an address should be presented to the Prince Regent, calling upon him to direct a vigorous prosecution of the war, with assurance of support from parliament. He then entered on a kind of commentary upon the Regent's declaration above-mentioned, in which all the arguments

were repeated concerning the justice of the measures on the part of Great Britain that led to the hostile termination, which had been so often advanced during the negociations. One circumstance of fact produced by his lordship may deserve to be recorded. The Ame ricans in their complaints against this country, had assumed, that Great Britain had impressed 15 or 20,000 of their citizens. - But upon particular inquiry by the admiralty, it had appeared that out of 145,000 seamen employed in the British service in January 1811, the whole number claiming to be American subjects was 3,500; and as it had been found that of the individuals advancing such claim, only about one in four could make it good upon examination, the real number would be reduced to 16 or 1700. He asked then, if the House could believe that for such a consideration as 1700 sailors his majesty's government would irritate the feelings of a neutral nation, or violate public justice. After stating the particulars of the negociations preceding the declaration of war, with a view of showing that the British ministry had not been wanting in temper and due forbearance, and also that they had not been deficient in proper precautions against a possible hostile termination; his lordship concluded with moving, "that an humble address be presented to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, to acquaint his Royal Highness that we have taken into our consideration the papers laid before us by his Royal Highness's command, relative to the late discussions with the government of the United States of Ame

rica: that whilst we deeply regret the failure of the endeavours of his Royal Highness to preserve the relations of peace and amity between this country and the United States, we entirely approve of the resistance which has been opposed by his Royal Highness to the unjustifiable pretensions of the American government, being satisfied that those pretensions could not be admitted without surrendering some of the most ancient, undoubted, and important rights of the British empire; that, impressed as we are with these sentiments, and fully convinced of the justice of the war in which his Majesty has been compelled to engage, his Royal Highness may rely on our most zealous and cordial support in every measure which may be necessary for prosecuting the war with vigour, and for bringing it to a safe and honourable termination."

Mr. Ponsonby, after premising that he conceived the House was bound at present to support the crown in the prosecution of the war, observed, that from the papers laid before the House, three particular stages of negociation were apparent. The first stage was, the overture made by Mr. Russell to the noble lord for an armistice, with the understanding, that during its continuance there was to beanegociation between this country and America on the subject of impressment, and that, while it was pending, the right of impressment should be waived. This overture, he allowed, could not be admitted. The second was, the proposition that though no formal recognition of a suspension of the disputed right should take place,

yet a secret understanding of that kind should be preserved between the two countries, till the matter in controversy was decided. This, also, he should have concurred with the noble lord in rejecting. The third stage presented a third overture, which, as he understood it, was made by Mr. Monroe to sir John Warren, namely, that the question of impressment being the principal subject of dispute, an agreement on which might put an end to the war, the American government was willing to negociate upon it flagrante bello, whilst this country was continuing to exercise its accustomed control. Against this proposal he thought there could be no objection; for though, in the Prince Regent's declaration, as a reason against such a negociation, it was observed that it would be commenced on the basis of receiving a legislative provision from a foreign state, in the place of a right which Great Britain had long been accustomed to exercise; yet it did not appear to him that this right was abandoned merely by entering into a negociation on the subject. The right hon. gentleman enlarged upon this point, and asked, was the war to be eternal? but if a treaty was ever to be made, it must be by means of negociation upon this very subject. He then touched upon the naval successes of America since the commencement of the war, which he could not but think showed some want of foresight and preparation in the ministers.

Mr. Baring said, that he did not believe that the noble lord's assertion was correct, that the American declaration of war had any connection with the state of France

or Russia; and in his opinion the cause of the war was solely in the orders of council; and he appealed to Mr. Foster, the late ambassador to that country, and now sitting in the House, whether an earlier repeal of these orders would not have prevented the war. Now, however, the subject of impressment was the only obstacle to peace, and a most important one it was. He was sensible how much the safety of the country would be endangered by a surrender of the right without a sufficient substitute, and was aware of the great difficulty of finding such a substitute. He thought, however, that Mr. Russell's proposal ought to have been rejected in a more conciliatory manner, and the door not to have been shut against future negociation, with a phrase about maritime rights. The noble lord had stated that there were about 1,600 American seamen in our service, but had not noticed that there were at least ten times as many of British seamen in the service of America; which he men. tioned, to show that it was even more for our interest than for that of America, to court negociation on this point. He observed, that though there might be only 1,600 American seamen detained for life in our navy, it was no captious ground of complaint: it was a matter not to be settled by a balance of numbers, nor ought it to be regarded in that light. He then adverted to the conduct of the war, and held that with our naval establishment we ought to have blockaded the whole American coast.

Mr. Foster then rose, and in reply to the appeal of the last speak.

er, said, that he could not affirm that the revocation of the orders in council previously to the commencement of hostilities, would have had the effect of averting them. Their repeal might have weighed something with the government, but he did not think that the government was sufficiently master of the congress to be able to do what it thought most beneficial for the country. He could not agree with the opinion of the hon. gentleman, that there was no party in America friendly to France: the revolution had made a strong impression there; and although the subsequent turn of affairs might have detached the better part from them, they were yet a powerful party. There was also an anti-anglican party, who took every opportunity to foment animosity against Great Britain. There were no fewer than six United Irishmen in the Congress distinguished by their inveterate enmity to this country. Mr. F. made many observations on the state of parties in America, and on its effect in producing the measures which had led to hostilities. The war, he said, was carried in Congress by that rancorous faction against the English, who persuaded others to join them through fear that a difference might break up the democratic party; and in the senate the war measure was carried by the opponents of government, who were desirous of making it unpopular.

Mr. Whitbread was glad to have heard from the hon. gentleman that neither Mr. Monroe nor Mr. Maddison seemed to him to be actuated solely by a spirit of hostility towards this country. The