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rising of good, and introduced a thousand evils of its own. The Papacy was and still is essentially extra-national; — it affects, temporally, to do that which the spiritual Church of Christ can alone do to break down the natural distinctions of nations. Now, as the Roman Papacy is in itself local and peculiar, of course this attempt is nothing but a direct attack on the political independence of other nations.

The institution of Universities was the single check on the Papacy. The Pope always hated and maligned the Universities. The old cœnobitic establishments of England were converted - perverted, rather into monasteries and other monking receptacles. You see it was at Oxford that Wicliffe alone found protection and encouragement.

June 2. 1834.

SCHILLER'S VERSIFICATION.

BLANK VERSE.

GERMAN

SCHILLER'S blank verse is bad. He moves in it as a fly in a glue bottle. His thoughts have their connection and variety, it is true, but there is no sufficiently corresponding movement in the verse. How different from

Shakspeare's endless rhythms!

all Germans.

There is a nimiety — a too-muchness—in It is the national fault. Lessing had the best notion of blank verse. The trochaic termination of German words renders blank verse in that language almost impracticable. We have it in our dramatic hendecasyllable; but then we have a power of interweaving the iambic close ad libitum.

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THE Roman Catholic Emancipation Act carried in the violent, and, in fact, unprincipled manner it was was in effect a Surinam toad; and the Reform Bill, the Dissenters' admission to the Universities, and the attack on the Church, are so many toadlets, one after another detaching themselves from their parent brute.

If you say there is nothing in the Romish religion, sincerely felt, inconsistent with the duties of citizenship and allegiance to a territorial Protestant sovereign, cadit quæstio. For if that is once admitted, there can be no answer to the argument from numbers. Certainly, if the religion of the majority

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of the people be innocuous to the interests of the nation, the majority have a natural right to be trustees of the nationalty that property which is set apart for the nation's use, and rescued from the gripe of private hands. But when I say for the nation's use I mean the very reverse of what the Radicals mean. They would convert it to relieve taxation, which I call a private, personal, and perishable use. A nation's uses are immortal.

How lamentable it is to hear the Duke of Wellington expressing himself doubtingly on the abominable sophism that the Coronation Oath only binds the King as the executive power thereby making a Highgate oath of it. But the Duke is conscious of the ready retort which his language and conduct on the Emancipation Bill affords to his opponents. He is hampered by that affair.

June 20. 1834.

CORN LAWS.

MODERN POLITICAL

ECONOMY.

IN the argument on the Corn Laws there is a μετάβασις εἰς ἄλλο γένος. It may be admitted that the great principles of Commerce require the interchange of commodities to be free; but Commerce, which is barter, has no proper range beyond luxuries or conveniences; it is properly the complement to the full existence and development of a state. But how can it be shown that the principles applicable to an interchange of conveniences or luxuries apply also to an interchange of necessaries? No state can be such properly, which is not selfsubsistent at least; for no state that is not so, is essentially independent. The nation that cannot even exist without the commodity of another nation, is in effect the slave of that

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