To excite or preserve true patriotism no pains can be thought too great; but most writers look to the higher instead of the lower classes for its support. Its foundation must be however on the latter; and, if it is there lost, the efforts of the superior classes will be of no avail. Hence every man should be made to consider himself as connected with the state; should see his advantages bound up with it, and, though low his situation, he will derive satisfaction from this ennobling connection. This connection should be brought home to his mind by the exercise of his prerogatives; and England has pointed out a way, which it is to be lamented, it has not consistently pursued. Her parliaments connect the people with the state. By the constitution settled at the revolution, they ought to be frequently renewed : a fatal blow in the reign of George the First prolonged the duration of parliament to seven years, and introduced a train of evils, which no efforts of future years will remove, as long as that violation of the constitution is permitted to endure.

Elections are said to create turbulence, and a little turbulence may be expected in a very numerous assembly. But is not this occasional turbulence preferable to the deadly torpor of despotism? If we could conceive the representation of the united kingdom, as it is at present, to be destroyed, the manly sentiments, which distinguish this nation, would soon expire; and an Englishman would become a contemptible animal: the chilling hand of monarchy would paralyse every effort of industry; and the country by degrees be covered with its original morasses and forests. If elections were more frequent (annual would perhaps be the best), and the number of the voters enlarged, till by degrees it contained the whole of the nation at a certain age, the patriotism of the people would be in proportion increased, the throne of the sovereign more stable, and the ease of his go

vernment more certain.

< That this exercise of prerogative by the people is attended with the constant advantages of patriotism, we need only refer for proof to those countries where the people have or have not a share in the government. In the former case they are active, industrious, full of resources, and, unless peculiar circumstances have occurred to destroy the effects of their patriotism, invincible: where they have no share in the government, patriotism is unknown; a dull inert mass vegetates on the soil; the being is born and dies incapable of exercising the best energies of the mind, and the best feelings of his heart.'

It certainly deserves grave consideration whether the country could bear to undergo triennially the agitations and effervescence of a general election. It was observed by Speaker Onslow that the weight of the House of Commons was increased in consequence of the superior stability given to it by the septennial bill; and very able politicians have been convinced that the measures of universal suffrage and annual parliaments, so far from producing the consequence here supposed, would not be long in effecting a dissolution of the government. The aim of a wise reform ought, in our humble judgment, to be principally con

Ee 2

fined

fined to the object of increasing and strengthening the mutual sympathies of the representatives and the represented.

The writer judiciously recommends a revival of those manly and salutary exercises which, among our ancestors, lent the aid of skill and strength to the valour inherent in British nature:

Large cities (he observes) are unhappy in this respect. They give an importance to the silly, the trifling, and the effeminate, in the midnight route: but the manly exercises are, through the closeness of the buildings, and the want of suitable places, too much neglected. In every city ought to be open places, to which the inhabitants might have easy access, where they may vie with each other in those exercises, which give health and strength to the body and agility to the limbs.'

As a specimen of the gallant spirit and laudable zeal of this able advocate of patriotism, we subjoin the following extract from his address to the Volunteers:

With motives superior to those of all other nations, the volunteers of Britain take the field, if the enemy is bold enough to execute his threats, to hazard his troops to the danger of the seas; and successful enough to escape our fleets, and land upon our shores. Ou his side valour and experience are not wanting: the love of plunder and mad ambition are the great incentives to his actions. No art of war will be untried by him, and the leader can depend on his followers for the due execution of every plan which consummate skill has meditated. To detract from the strength and the skill of the enemy is absurd to abuse him with words is unworthy of the character of men and Englishmen. The whole danger being fully placed before our eyes, we are then able to meet it, and to direct our own efforts to the best advantage.

Against such an enemy, Volunteers of Britain, ye are to march. The conflict is made with similar arms on both sides, but ye are said to be unequal from want of discipline to the contest. I could wish myself, if the invasion of a country were not of too serious a nature to admit of an experiment, I could wish myself, and in this wish I shall not want for a second among the volunteers; that what is cal led our regular army, were allowed only to be the spectators of the action. With all the boasts of French skill; with all the valour at tributed to them; with all the advantages of art, they would bow to the superiority of nature. Let the plains of Egypt declare, what the best troops of France, their chosen invincibles, can effect against Bri tish valour and that valour is no less the inbred quality of the vo lunteer who has never been into the field, than his who has been tried in various actions. Let us remember what was done by one of the most gallant of our sovereigns, when, resolved not to deprive his son of the glory of the best fought day, nor even to share in his praises, he proved to the French the strength of the British arms; and a witness merely to the deeds of valour of the troops under his son's command, he led his own down, not to assist but to congratulate the

heroes,

heroes, who forming only a part of his army, had fought and conquered the whole power of France.

Is there less valour, less heroism now in England? And, if not, why should we doubt of our countrymen's prowess, or suppose that so much training is requisite to enable them to meet in the field the troops of a nation which their fathers so often have conquered? Besides, how disgraceful it must be to entertain a desponding opinion, when the numbers are now on our side, not on the French: when it is impossible for him to land in any quarter, where we cannot, in the space of twenty four hours, bring double the number to resist him! An overweening confidence is injurious doubtless to any cause: but to dispraise our own countrymen; to endeavour to weaken their efforts, is the madness of folly. The volunteers of Britain have already shewn themselves worthy to incet the enemies in the field; since, disregarding the obloquy, and sneers of disappointed pride, they have proceeded coolly, firmly, and deliberately, in their noble purpose to perfect themselves in the use of arms, and to qualify themselves for that truly most honourable name, the name of citizen soldiers.

Yes! in spite of the ridicule of France; in spite of the equally ill-founded scorn of some of our own countrymen, the volunteers of Britain have justly appreciated the nature of the services required of them. Who can fight with more ardour for wealth, for property, for honour, for family, for friends, for country, than he who arms himself to fight for his owu property, his own honour, the honour of the dearest ties of blood, the honour of his friends, the safety and independence of his country? We would not depreciate the merits of a force, paid for its services, nor make a comparison on different degrees of skill; but in motives for exertion the volunteer assuredly is not inferiour to the regular; nor, because he exercises only at times suited to his other occupations, is he surpassed by every one whose daily employment is the use of arms. It is not the number of hours employed in the military any more than the other arts, which will perfect the artist and the diligence, the assiduity, the ardour of the volunteer will more than compensate for the hours which others can bestow on military exercises.'

Continue then, Volunteers of Britain, as ye have begun. Perfect yourselves in the use of arms, without losing sight of the equally important duties of life. Be convinced, that there is nothing in the state of a soldier, which is not compatible with the duties and the employment of the citizen. Make the practice of arms your amusement. Imitate the ancient Romans in this respect, but detest their love of war and spirit of domination. If your services should be required against the enemies of your country, let a just reliance on him, who alone giveth victory in the day of battle, be your support: and let each man act, as if the whole honour of the country depended on his single exertions.'

Mr. Frend's hints on the military exercise of volunteers shew attention to the subject, and merit the notice of those who are engaged in this laudable pursuit.

Jo.

ART. XV. Reports of the Society for bettering the Condition and increasing the Comforts of the Poor. Vol. III. including No. 13. to 18. 8vo. Is. per Number. Hatchard, &c.

WH HILE we apologize to this Society for having so long abstained from noticing these reports, we beg to assure it that the omission has arisen from no declining regard for its avowed object, nor from any want of esteem for its members and their labours. We continue to respect the principles on which it proceeds; and though we fear that the evils which affect the condition of the Poor are too radical to be completely relieved by the exertions of a single Society, we feel it to be our duty to applaud every experiment which is made with this view.

In stating the contents of Vol. II. (see M. R. Vol xxxv. N. S. p. 273.) our attention was directed to a judicious prefatory essay by Mr. Bernard; and on the present occasion we are required in the first place to make our acknowlegements to the same gentleman, for the very sensible and pertinent remarks which are contained in his Letter to the Bishop of Durham, forming the Introduction to the volume before us.

It is easy to declaim, with the indolent, the selfish, and the proud, against those charities which are designed to narrow the boundaries of poverty and distress; and it is also easy to object to benevolence, that it is liable to misapplication, and that its ultimate aim seems, in the existing state of things, to be unattainable: but the wise and the good will never be induced by such considerations to steel their hearts against the sentiments of compassion, nor to remain inactive spectators of growing vice and misery. Without wasting their time in romantic speculation, they will have recourse to this plain practical principle, which Mr.Bernard denominates the POLAR STAR of our benevolent affections, viz. that whatever encourages and promotes habits of industry, prudence, foresight, virtue, and cleanliness among the poor, is beneficial to them and to the country; whatever removes, or diminishes the incitement to any of these qualities*, is detrimental to the state, and pernicious to the individual,'

We

* We were pleased to find Mr. B. adverting to an injudicious mode pursued in some parishes during the late scarcity, of making up the earnings of the cottager and his family to a certain sum by parochial relief; -a mode which must have tended to diminish the energy and provident industry of the Poor; since he who may have done task-work, and laboured extra hours, and kept his wife and children to constant employment, obtained no extra advantage from it, but on the Saturday night was put on the very same footing with him whose carnings had been small, and whose family had been indolent. A

We sincerely wish that this position could be kept in view whenever estimates of national prosperity and happiness are attempted; for then statesmen would not be so much dazzled by the glare of commercial wealth, as to think lightly of the morals and condition of the Poor, nor suppose that the only mill-stone about our neck is the National Debt.

The national debt, (observes Mr. B.) with all its magnitude of terror, is of little moment, when compared with the increase of the poor-rates. In that instance, what is received from one subject, is paid, in a greater part, to another; so that it amounts to little more than a rent-charge, from one class of individuals to another. But the poor'srate is the barometer, which marks in all the apparent sun-shine of prosperity, the progress of internal weakness and debility; and as trade and manufactures are extended, as our commerce encircles the terraqueous globe, it increases with a fecundity most astonishing; it grows with our growth, and augments with our strength; its root, according to our present system, being laid in the vital source of our exist ence and prosperity.'

After having considered the effect of work-houses in not only raising by actual waste the price of provisions, but by injuring the prudential habits, lessening the energy of the Poor, and weakening among them the bonds of family connection, Mr. B. lays down the plan on which the Society proceeds, and by which alone the country can be benefited:

The only rational hope of diminishing our present parochial burthens, and of affording a remedy to those evils which are incident to populous and opulent states, must be founded on the success of measures FOR BETTERING THE CONDITION OF THE POOR. It must be by the education of youth, by the moral and religious habits of mature age, by the improvement of the cottager's means of life, by the increase of his resources, and of his habits of industry and foresight, by these means, and by these only, that the condition of the poor can ever be essentially and permanently improved, the prosperity of the country augmented, and the parochial burthens eventually diminished. Without these means, work houses and almshouses, public charities and hospitals, may be erected with increasing and unwearied diligence throughout the land, and yet never keep pace with the progress of indigence and misery.'

The papers in this volume begin with No. 70, and contain Extracts from an account of the relief granted to the Poor at Mongewell and its neighbourhood;-a farther account of the

parish in Gloucestershire, Mr. B. tells us, adopted a better plan: The Vestry agreed to fix a determinate and moderate sum, as the amount of an ordinary week's labour, and they gave an additional allowance, according to the number in family; leaving the cottager and his family the full benefit of all exertion and extra labour.'