altered; she had erected a government from which neither insult nor injustice was to be dreaded; and he had become extremely indifferent on that point, and so should continue until some other nation should combine the power with the principles of government which had formerly prevailed in France. Those who detested the principles of the revolution had reason to rejoice in its effects. The new government aimed to make its subjects happy. As to their change of system, he knew that different opinions were entertained; but he admired the new constitution, considering it altogether as the most stupendous and glorious edifice of liberty which had been erected on the foundation of human integrity in any time or country.

This speech was delivered at a late hour, when Mr. Pitt, Mr. Windham, and many other members, had spoken. Mr. Burke immediately rose, with great appearance of emotion; but cries of question, raised by the adherents of Mr. Fox, prevented him from being heard*.

No doubt could now be entertained that a final rupture must ensue between Mr. Fox and Mr. Burke; but Mr. Fox seems rather to have deprecated than desired a public conflict. Mr. Burke was determined to explain his own principles; and he must have shewn a most dastardly spirit if he had not. No accusation could justly be advanced against him of having sought to embroil the debates with his favourite topics; he had spoken on the subject of the Russian armament without even an allusion to France; but the Quebec bill was the only subject before Parliament which would afford him an opportunity of vindicating himself. In preparation for the day, and smarting still under the recent insult, he applied to some friends of the ministry, and requested their protection against any attempt to drown his voice by mere clamour. On the day when the next discussion of the Quebec bill was to take place, Mr. Fox visited Mr. Burke for the

He afterward published that which would have been the substance of his speech, under the title of An Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs.

СНАР.

LXX.

1791.

Situation of

Mr. Fox and

Mr. Burke.

Their meeting.

CHAP.
LXX.

1791.

Motion to adjourn the debate.

Mr. M. A.
Taylor.

Mr. Fox.

first time after a considerable interval, and, in the presence of a mutual friend, heard from him the outline of the remarks intended to be offered, and an explanation, contradicting a statement which had been circulated, tending to impart a belief that the King had expressed opinions favourable to Mr. Fox; but that Mr. Pitt, anxious to impress on the mind of his Sovereign that Mr. Fox's principles were altogether republican, had instigated Mr. Burke in the discussion. When this point had been satisfactorily adjusted, Mr. Fox expressed a desire that the debate should not take place on the recommitment of the Quebec bill; a request not altogether fair or reasonable, as the old statesman had been attacked in his absence, and, when the opportunity to answer occurred, had been silenced, not by the arguments of his opponent, but by the clamour of his friends. Mr. Burke refused compliance, but they did not separate with appearances of hostility; they walked to Westminster together, and together entered the House, making thus the last shew of friendship which they were to exhibit*.

Still the expression of Mr. Burke's opinions was delayed. When Mr. Fox and he arrived, they found that Mr. Sheridan had already proposed the postponement of the question, as the papers were not printed; and as it was the very day preceding the Easter recess, many members were absent. Mr. Michael Angelo Taylor, having complained of the manner in which the constitutions of other countries had been discussed, and declared that, if such a course were continued, he should call members to order, Mr. Fox admitted that, in the course of the session, he had taken opportunities of alluding, perhaps too often, to the French revolution, and expressing opinions in its favour; but, on this bill he had only introduced one levity, silly enough perhaps, and not worth recollection,- an allusion to the extinction of nobility in France, and its revival in

In this narrative I have followed the Annual Register, vol. xxxiii. An. 1791, published by Rivington, relying on it the more implicitly because I know that the history for that and the following year was written under the correction of two eminent statesmen of the highest honour and integrity, and well apprized of all the facts.

Canada. He never had stated any republican principles, with regard to this country, in or out of Parliament; and when the bill came again to be discussed, although he should be extremely sorry to differ from friends whom he greatly respected, he still adhered to his opinions, and should never be backward in delivering them.

СНАР.

LXX.

1791.

Mr. Powys complained of the irregular course of Mr. Powys. debates, and intimated that it would have been better if Mr. Fox had followed the example of Mr. Burke, by writing his opinions, instead of speaking them in Parliament.

Mr. Burke said he did not wish to call forth public Mr. Burke. opinions unnecessarily, and expressed great anxiety to avoid meeting his friend as his adversary and antagonist. Of his eloquence and abilities he made the highest acknowledgments; but, dear as was his friend, desirous as he was to avoid any difference, there was another object still more dear and more to be desired, the discharge of his duty, the love of his country.

Debate on the

On the day appointed for the recommitment, as May 6th. soon as the chairman had taken his seat, a motion was recommitment made that the bill should be read paragraph by para- of the bill. graph. Mr. Burke rose, and a most extraordinary scene Mr. Burke. ensued. The House, he said, was going to do the great and important act of appointing a legislature for a distant people, and to affirm a legal authority in itself to exercise this high power. The first question would be their competency to act. A body of rights, commonly called the Rights of Man, imported from a neighbouring country, had lately been set up by some persons in this, as paramount to all other rights. A principal article in this new code was, "That all men are by nature free, are equal in respect of rights, "and continue so in society." If such a doctrine were to be admitted, then the power of the House could extend no further than to call together all the inhabitants of Canada, and recommend to them the free choice of a constitution for themselves. But the right of this

66

CHAP.
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1791.

country to legislate was founded on another code, on which mankind, in all ages, had acted-the law of nations. If the right was established, how was this country to legislate? He could not refer to the experience of old governments, for that was exploded by the academies of Paris and the clubs of London, who saw too much by the light of their new lantern to have recourse to any other. Three systems presented themselves: those of America, of France, and of Great Britain. Great respect was due to that of the United States; they were near neighbours, and our colonists ought not to have reason to envy them; but part of Canada was inhabited chiefly by persons who had migrated from the United States. These men had fled from the blessings of American government, and were not likely to return, shocked by the introduction af the British constitution; and the British inhabitants were, probably, not so much corrupted by the clubs of London and the academies of Paris, as to think that any form of government must be preferable to an old To the ancient Canadians, the most numerous body, and entitled to the greatest attention, were we to give the French constitution?-a constitution founded on principles diametrically opposite to ours, that could not assimilate with it in a single point; as different from it as wisdom from folly, as vice from virtue, as the most opposite extremes in nature—a constitution founded on what was called the rights of man? But let this constitution be examined by its practical effects in the French West-indian colonies. These, notwithstanding three disastrous wars, were most happy and flourishing, until they heard of the Rights of Man. As soon as this system arrived among them, Pandora's box, replete with every mortal evil, seemed to fly open, hell itself to yawn, and every demon of mischief to overspread the face of the earth. Blacks rose against whites, and each against another in murderous hostility; subordination was destroyed, the bonds of society torn asunder, and every man seemed to thirst for the blood of his neighbour.

one.

All was toil and trouble, discord and blood, from the moment this doctrine was promulgated among them; and he verily believed that, wherever the Rights of Man were preached, such ever had been, and ever would be, the consequence. Troops were sent out; but, strongly embued with the system of the Rights of Man, they had made themselves parties in the rebellion. Ought this example to induce us to send to our colonies a cargo of the Rights of Man? As soon would he send them a bale of infected cotton from Marseilles. Let us consider, he proceeded, the effects of the French constitution on France; a constitution on which he looked not with approbation, but with horror, as involving every principle to be detested, and pregnant with every consequence to be dreaded and abominated, and the use which they proposed to make of it. Notwithstanding their boastful pretensions, they had, after sitting nearly two years, done nothing; but contented themselves with enjoying the democratic satisfaction of heaping every disgrace on fallen royalty. They had a King, such as they wished, a King who was no King; over whom the Marquis de Lafayette, chief gaoler of Paris, mounted guard. The royal prisoner, having wished to taste the freshness of the country air, had obtained a day rule to take a journey about five miles from Paris. But scarcely had he left the city, before his suspicious governors, recollecting that a temporary release from confinement might afford him the means of escape, sent a tumultuous rabble after him, who, surrounding his carriage, commanded him to stop, while one of his grenadiers, belonging to his faithful and brave body guard, presented a bayonet to the breast of the fore horse.

At this point, the process of interruption was commenced by Mr. Baker, who called Mr. Burke to order; his argument had a tendency to involve the House in unnecessary altercation, and perhaps the government itself in a contest with another nation.

CHAP.

LXX.

1791.

He is interrupted by

Mr. Baker.