CHAP. XLVIII. 1790. shelter from the storm of passions excited by disappointed ambition and mortified pride. "In the state "in which I am," he said to a friend, "I can feel "nothing but the blast which has prostrated me*." He passed the rest of his days in obscurity, still languishing to return to that power which to him had produced neither happiness nor honourt, uncheered by attentions from the great and prosperous, unsoothed by addresses of praise, thanks, or condolence from any of those on whom he had conferred favours, or by whom he had been idolized‡. To Gibbon. See his Posthumous Works, vol. i. P. 213. 4to.-vol. i, p. 314. 8vo. For the general circumstances of Necker's retreat from office, see Biographical Memoirs of the French Revolution, vol. ii. p. 196, and authorities there cited. Madame de Stael, Considerations, &c. tom. i. p. 387, and the various histories. His character is given by Mr. Mackintosh in these words. That minister, probably upright, and not illiberal, but narrow, pusillanimous, and entangled by the habits of detail in which he had been reared, possessed not that erect and intrepid spirit, those enlarged and original views, which adapt themselves to new combinations of circumstances and sway, in the great convulsions of human affairs. Accustomed to the tranquil accuracy of commerce, or the elegant amusement of literature, he was called on "to ride in the whirlwind, and direct the storm." He seemed superior to his privacy while he was limited to it, and would have been judged by history equal to his elevation had he never been elevated.”—Vindicia Gallicæ, p. 30. He made known to Bonaparte, in 1800, in an awkward manner, his desire to be again admitted to the administration: he was of course refused. -Las Cases' Journal, vol. i. part 2, p. 131. For the general narrative of French affairs, where no particular authority is cited, I have consulted the various historians, from Rabaut de St. Etienne, to Lacretelle and Thiers, the periodical publications of the time, and particularly the Moniteur for debates, motions, and notice of passing events. CHAPTER THE SIXTY-NINTH. 1790-1791. Effects of the French revolution on other countries.-England. -Mr. Burke.-Different views in the opposition party.Meeting at the Duke of Portland's.—Mr. Burke's intended publication.-Revolution Society.-Dr. Price's discourse.— Address to the National Assembly.-Mr. Burke's reflections published-the contents analyzed — observations - rapid diffusion of the work-honours paid to the author-attacks on him-numerous answers.- -The Rights of Man, by Thomas Paine-analyzed-its effect. Vindiciae Gallicæ, by Mr. Mackintosh-analyzed-observations.-Difference between Thomas Paine and Mr. Mackintosh." - General Election. Mr. Pitt. -Unimproved state of opposition.— Lord North succeeds to a peerage.-Contests for seats.— Mr. Horne Tooke stands for Westminster.-King's speech. -Addresses.-Debates on Nootka Sound.-Appropriation of unclaimed dividends.-Petitions.-Committee on public finance.—Report.—Mr. Sheridan moves resolutions-generally negatived.-Slave trade.-Society of Amis des Noirs.Mission from England.-Slow progress of investigation in Parliament. Open committee appointed. - Mr. Wilberforce's motion for a bill-debated-lost.-Colony at Sierra Leone established.-Bill opposed-passed. CHAP. LXIX. FROM the period of the revolution, France became the pivot or hinge on which turned the politics, domestic as well as foreign, of all other nations. The 1790. ambition which had always characterized the French, Effects of the gave grounds for apprehending that, at the first favour- revolution able moment, territorial aggrandisement would be at- countries. tempted, without regard to treaties, arrangements, or on other CHAP. 1790. England. established principles. Their treatment of the princes of Germany, whose territorial privileges in the provinces acquired by France, long guaranteed by treaties, were taken away by the decrees of the fourth of August, and their avowed resolution to wrest Avignon, an ancient and undisputed possession, from the Pope, exhibited a fearful specimen of their probable conduct, when the acquisition of strength should enable them to realize their present projects. But there was much more reason to entertain serious apprehensions from the diffusion of the avowed principles of revolution,-a task which, in every country, was laboured by all who were dissatisfied with the general administration, or their own particular position; who hoped from change to derive undefined benefit, or who looked with malignant anticipation to the confusion and distress which would be produced by a general subversion. In England, where a general love of liberty was blended with a profound and sincere veneration for principles and establishments, bought with blood and endeared by length of possession, the furious progress of the French reformers was viewed, first with distrust, afterward with astonishment, and, at last, with horror. This feeling existed principally among the superior and more opulent classes, but it was acquiring daily strength; on the other side, a great number of active and vehement individuals entered fully into the views, and, without reserve, applauded all the measures of the French revolutionists, and the contest was carried on with so much vigour and determination, that patriot, democrat, and aristocrat, were terms as well known and as much used in London as in Paris. The preponderant influence of wealth and information was on the side of authority; but some men of great property were found to favour the system which in France had led to plunder and spoliation; and some noblemen of high extraction and ancient family avowed themselves democrats, and talked vauntingly of the majesty of the people. The revolution was regarded by many as a great crisis in the affairs, not of France alone, but of all Europe, perhaps of all the world. Wonderful effects were in many instances produced by means the most absurd, in the most ridiculous modes, and apparently by the most contemptible instruments. In viewing this strange chaos of levity and ferocity, and of all sorts of crimes commixed with all sorts of follies, opposite passions succeeded, and sometimes were blended with each other in the mind; contempt and indignation, laughter and tears, scorn and horror. Others surveyed this scene with sentiments of exultation and rapture, considering the proceedings in France only as a firm and temperate exertion of freedom, consistent on the whole with morals and with piety, deserving of present applause and replete with promise of future happiness. CHAP. LXIX. 1790. That Mr. Burke, from whose works the last period Mr. Burke. is principally derived*, should be the champion of those who opposed the revolution, excited surprise in many, and most in those who knew him but slightly, or considered him superficially. From his speeches and publications, during a long course of opposition, expressions and sentiments were easily and copiously selected, which could be made applicable to the popular cause; but a consideration of his whole course of life and conduct would shew him to be a strenuous advocate of liberty, and a zealous promoter of temperate reform; but, at the same time, a vigorous supporter of the British constitution, and all its general establishments in church and state, vigilantly guarding against the encroachments of direct tyranny and overwhelming influence; but never giving his sanction to the enterprizes of rash innovators or the schemes of interested agitators. Thus, while he was exercising the whole force of his genius and talents in defence of those whom he considered to be the victims of oppression in America, he did not display himself at any factious meeting or association to produce effects upon government by other means than the votes of Parliament; while he was urging, with indefatigable zeal, the cause of economical reform, he did not seek Burke's Works, vol. v. p. 39. CHAP. 1790. Different views tion party. the destruction of ancient and honourable institutions; nor could all the efforts of personal or party attachment induce him to favour that which he considered destructive of all constitutional establishments, the reform of Parliament*. On the difference of opinion between Mr. Burke of the opposi and Mr. Fox on the great topic of the revolution being declared, two modes of conduct were pursued by different members of the opposition party. One portion, considering Mr. Burke as a weight upon their interests, and perhaps as an obstruction to their views of high personal consideration, appeared anxious to foment the dispute, and to prevent every attempt at reconcilement ; another division, higher, more respectable, and clearsighted, foreseeing the evils which must ensue from disunion, were desirous, if possible, to find some middle proposition which might enable the whole body to act together. For this purpose a meeting was held at the house of the Duke of Portland, at which all the really great and influential men of the party were present, and which lasted from ten o'clock at night till three in the morning. An inferior agent, giving himself credit for more influence than he ever possessed, has said, that this great and long-continued meeting was held for the purpose of endeavouring to reconcile Mr. Burke and Mr. Sheridan, and that he brought them together at Burlington Houset. But the attempt was not crowned with success. 1790. February 11th. Meeting at the Duke of Portland's. * Mr. (Sir James) Mackintosh says, "The late opinions of Mr. Burke fur"nished more matter of astonishment to those who had distantly observed, than to those who had correctly examined the system of his former political life. An "abhorrence for abstract politics, a predilection for aristocracy, and a dread of "innovation, have ever been among the most sacred articles of his public creed." Vindicia Gallica Introduction, p. 1. These are the very words in which Mr. Dennis O'Bryen relates the matter in a pamphlet, published in 1796, under the title of "Utrum Horum. The Government or the Country?" p. 25, n. "It appeared to the author of this pamphlet that the difference between these two great men would be a great evil to "the country, and to their own party. Full of this persuasion, he brought them "both together the second night after the original contest in the House of Commons, and carried them to Burlington House, to Mr. Fox and the Duke of "Portland, according to a previous arrangement. This interview, which can never be forgotten by those who were present, lasted from ten o'clock at night "till three in the morning, and afforded a very remarkable display of the extra"ordinary talents of the party." This narrative was re-stated by Mr. Charles Me. Cormick, Memoirs of Edmund Burke, p. 338; and by Mr. Moore, Memoirs of the Life of Sheridan, vol. ii. p. 107. |