CHAP. 1789. "horrence of the slave trade; and the King of France "had refused to dissolve a society formed for the abo"lition, because he was glad it existed." He implored the House speedily and effectually to repair the evils inflicted on Africa. We had brutalized them by a trade which had enslaved their minds, blackened their character, and sunk them so low in the scale of animal beings, that some considered the very apes to be of a higher class, and that the ouranoutang had surpassed them. "Let us," he said, “make "such amends as we can for the mischiefs we have "done to that unhappy continent: let us recollect "what Europe itself was, no longer than three or four "centuries ago. What if I should be able to shew to "this House that, in a civilized part of Europe, in the "time of our Henry the Seventh, there were people who actually sold their own children? What if I should tell "them that England itself was that country? What if "I should point out to them that the very place where "this inhuman traffic was carried on was the city of "Bristol *? Ireland, at the same time, used to drive "a considerable trade in slaves with these neighbouring barbarians; but a great plague having infested "the country, the Irish, struck with a panic, suspected (I am sure very properly) that the plague was a punishment sent from Heaven for the sin of the "slave trade, and therefore abolished it. All I ask, "therefore, of the people of Bristol is, that they would "become as civilized now, as Irishmen were four "hundred years ago." 66 66 Rejecting all notions of palliation and regulation, he insisted on an immediate abolition as the only measure which would adapt itself to justice and true policy. The question could not now be evaded or overlooked; the matter was brought directly before the House, and they must justify to all the world, and to their own conscience, the grounds and principles of I doubt the accuracy of the report as to this intire pas age; I can find no trace of such a traffic in Bristol since the eleventh century, when it was abolished by William the Conqueror, at the intercession of Archbishop Lanfranc; nor, except as a figure of rhetoric, could the people of Bristol, in the days of Henry the Seventh, be termed barbarians. their decision. "A society," he added, "has been CHAP. LXV. 1789. Debate. As the lateness of the hour, when Mr. Wilberforce concluded, forbad a detailed debate, a few observations only were made; Lord Penryhn, Mr. Gascoyne, Sir William Young, and several other members, did not believe some of the mover's facts, and dissented from his deductions. On the other side, Mr. Burke strongly Mr Burke. expressed his acquiescence; and the obligation conferred on the House, the nation, and all Europe, by the masterly, impressive, and eloquent manner in which Mr. Wilberforce had brought the matter forward. For order and force, his speech was equal to any effort in modern oratory; and perhaps not excelled even by the effusions of Demosthenes*. Mr. Pitt and Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox concurred in these opinions; the Speaker re- Mr. Fox. sumed the chair, the committee reported progress, and days were appointed for continuing the investigation. Sawbridge. On a subsequent day, when Mr. Wilberforce 21st. moved that the Speaker should leave the chair, that Further the committee might be resumed, Alderman Saw- debate. bridge, resisting it, contended that more evidence was Alderman necessary. Many members spoke; on the one side, the topics of Mr. Wilberforce's speech were enforced and dwelt upon; on the other, several grounds were taken. It was denied that the slave trade caused the barbarity of Africa; and, in proof, Mr. Henniker read an original letter from the King of Dahomey, a country three hundred miles from the coast, and consequently unaffected by the commerce in question, to King For other opinions of this speech, all highly favourable, see Life of Wilberforce, vol. i. p. 219. Mr. Henniker. CHAP. 1789. George the First*. The writer presented his brother king with forty slaves, adding that, if forty times forty would be acceptable, he should have them. He was very desirous of trade, from which the distance of his abode had hitherto excluded him; but, as a proof of his liberal spirit, he was willing to give even to the extent of a thousand slaves for any commodity which pleased him, and was worth the price. As a proof of his own military prowess and great success in war, he stated that, beside the heads of generals and great officers, which had been preserved as trophies, he had paved four miles and a half before two of his palaces with the bones of slaughtered enemies, and was in hopes he should be able to complete the residue, amounting to seven miles, in the like manner. From the disgusting rant of this ignorant and ferocious barbarian it was to be inferred that the people of Africa were naturally inclined, without European instruction, to treat slaves and prisoners with cruelty. This deduction cannot be deemed conclusive, as it appears throughout the epistle that the writer and his subjects were much acquainted with European commodities, particularly fire-arms, which had nearly superseded the use of their accustomed weapons; that he well knew the nature of the slave trade, and desired, by means of it, to extend his dealings with the subjects of our country. It was also strongly asserted, that, whatever might be the professions of her ministers, France would not hesitate to secure the benefits which, through ignorance or misconception, we might cast away. What had been her conduct with respect to America? M. De Vergennes pretended, to Lord North, that he detested the rebels; yet, in a short time, a fleet, equipped with men and ammunition, was sent to support these abominable rebels. Several members vindicated the planters against the charge of inhumanity, and shewed that slaves were treated with great care, attention, and kindness. The night was exhausted without forming * Dated January, 1726. a committee; but several days were appointed for that purpose*. CHAP. LXV. 1789. Decision post Still no great progress was made: the examination of witnesses proceeded slowly, and, at last, the business June 23. was postponed to the following session; Sir William poned. Dolben's act for regulating the middle passage having ben's bill re been renewed. Sir W. Dol newed. Both parties shewed great heat and some intem- State of the perance in these debatest; regulation was insisted on dispute. by some, as quite sufficient for all purposes; while all notions of compromise were indignantly rejected by the other party. The middle passage was left by the supporters of the trade entirely to the discretion of government; but the promoters of the abolition used it as their chief engine for keeping up the ferment of the public mind. An engraving was made, and profusely distributed, of the plan and section of a slave ship, in which the length and breadth of each apartment were exactly shewn, and the negroes displayed in exact numbers, as they lay in that miserable prison. Nothing could exceed the effect produced by this publication, to the prejudice, not so much of the trader who contrived, or the government which had omitted * Namely, May 26th, 27th, and 28th, and June 9, 12, 14, 16, 18, and 19. + Mr. Clarkson, who most probably was present, thus describes the proceeding. "In the course of the debate, much warmth of temper was manifested on both sides. The expression of Mr. Fox, in a former debate,' that the slave "trade could not be regulated, because there could be no regulation of robbery "and murder,' was brought up, and construed by planters in the House as a "charge of these crimes upon themselves. Mr. Fox, however, would not retract "the expression. He repeated it. He had no notion, however, that any individual "would have taken it to himself. If it contained any reflection at all, it was on "the whole Parliament, who had sanctioned such a trade. Mr. Molyneux rose up, and animadverted severely on the character of Mr. Ramsay, one of the "evidences in the Privy Council Report, during his residence in the West Indies. "This called up Sir William Dolben and Sir Charles Middleton in his defence; "the latter of whom bore honourable testimony to his virtues, from an intimate acquaintance with him, and a residence in the same village with him, for twenty years. Mr. Molyneux spoke also in angry terms of the measure of "abolition. To annihilate the trade, he said, and to make no compensation on "account of it, was an act of swindling. Mr. Macnamara called the measure hypocritical, fanatic, and methodistical. Mr. Pitt was so irritated at the insi"dious attempt to set aside the Privy Council report, when no complaint had "been alleged against it before, that he was quite off his guard; and he thought "it right afterwards to apologize for the warmth into which he had been betrayed. "The Speaker too was obliged frequently to interfere. On this occasion no less "than thirty members spoke. And there had probably been few seasons when "so much disorder had been discoverable in that House." History of the Abolition, vol. ii. p. 101. CHAP. 1789. May 8. Mr. Beaufoy's poration laws. motion on cor Debate. to regulate the voyages of these vessels, as against the West India proprietors, who could not controul the conduct of men totally independent. The emblem formerly published, and used as a common seal, still amply circulated, and in new forms, was not so effective as this appalling display; and, besides, it pointed to emancipation-a measure which, although always contemplated, was carefully kept from public view by the committee, who even went so far as to represent the fear of it as a vain alarm, or a shallow artifice of the planters*. Mr. Beaufoy renewed his attempt in favour of the Dissenters, by moving that the House should resolve itself into a committee, to consider so much of the statute law as required persons to qualify for offices in corporations, or for offices civil or military, or places of trust under the Crown, by receiving the sacrament of the Lord's supper according to the rites of the Church of England. This proposition was introduced by a long speech, in which little novelty was contained. The hardships which pressed on the Dissenters were depicted; the history and origin of the corporation and test laws were adverted to, as proving that they were instituted merely to afford government a necessary protection against Popery; but now the interests of the church and state would be advanced rather than injured by the repeal. The mover made some observations on the institution of the sacrament of the Lord's supper, and quoted some passages from the form of its administration, which, however they might be intended, or however received in the assembly where they were uttered, were calculated to afford to persons less pious, or less pure, themes of profaneness and topics of ribaldry. Sir Henry Houghton seconded the motion, which was supported by Sir James Johnstone, Mr. William Smith, Mr. Martin, and Mr. Fox. On the other side were Lord North, Mr. Pitt, and Mr. Windham, who Motion nega amply answered the arguments advanced. The motion was negatived by an inconsiderable majority†. tived. |