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Where were these words uttered? At an agricultural meeting held in the county of Leicester, and they were received with approbation by the great body of farmers there assembled. He trusted that the example which had been set that night of moderation would be imitated, and that the measure of the Government would receive that meed of praise which he felt confident it deserved, and knew it would ultimately obtain, however, for the moment, party feeling might have been excited against it. He anticipated for the measure of the right hon. Baronet not only the concurrence but the approbation of a large majority.

Asia, Africa, and America; when he remembered the prosperity that a few years ago clothed the manufacturing districts where the distress was now so great; and remembered also that the Corn-laws were then in existence as now; that not only change of seasons, but war, and every treaty, he would not say might, but must contribute to produce that former prosperity or present distress-he could not force his reason to agree with those hon. Gentlemen, and say to the suffering people, "there-that one law is the cause of all your distress, remove it, and boundless prosperity is yours." He would entreat those hon. Gentlemen to reflect on the possibility of their being deceived. Suppose the Corn- Sir C. Napier regretted very much that laws were repealed; that the mills now his hon. Friend had brought forward his stopped working were again in action; motion, because it was evident that the that the agricultural interest no longer right hon. Baronet opposite having refused existed to be pointed at as the cause of the to accept a duty of 8s., was not likely to manufacturing distress, and yet that dis- accept no duty at all, and he therefore tress again fell upon the manufacturers, thought that the motion which had been to what cause would it then be attributed? brought forward, was a great waste of the Twelve years ago the rotten boroughs time of the House. He was an advocate were the source of all evil, and Nottingham of a fixed duty of 8s., because he thought castle was burned, and Bristol sacked, that that was as much protection as the agrithe Reform Bill might be carried, and those culturists had any right to expect. At evils so put an end to. Then glorious the same time, he believed, that if once a were the anticipations indulged in from duty of 8s. was levied, there would very the 10%. franchise-great were the hopes soon be no duty at all. Why he wished that beef and mutton would come to all; for a slight change was, because he thought but at length the delusion was over. Now that all violent changes were dangerous, the Corn-laws are the great bugbear. He did not say that the Corn-laws might not be and, though the Corn-law was an unjust improved, why the very proposition of the law, it ought not to be abrogated too sudGovernment proved that they might. But denly. But, as he preferred the repeal of he felt that hon. Members were wrong in hon. Friend pressed his motion to a divithe Corn-laws to the sliding scale, if his attributing the distress so entirely to the Corn-laws. They had heard a great deal sion he should certainly vote for it. The about the bigotry and intolerance of the noble Lord the other evening had refarmers and the agricultural interests. marked, and he thought with great justNow, he would say nothing as to how the ice, on the operation of the sliding scale proposition of the Government had been on neighbouring states. He thought that received; but he would refer to the state-no prudent merchant of America, Odessa, ment of a gentleman who was a practical or Alexandria, would run the risk of sendfarmer. That gentleman said, and he song a cargo of corn to this country when said before it was at all known what the he found the price going down and the Government plan was likely to be. "The population of the kingdom has in-dent of the Board of Trade had the other creased 20 per cent. within the last ten years, and in that period corn has been 28. a quarter cheaper than it was in the ten years before. I have no doubt that wheat will have to be produced at a cheaper rate than it has been, because cloth and cotton are cheaper; and, therefore, corn ought to be cheaper in its proportionate relation. It is my opinion, that corn ought to be produced at the lowest rate possible, so long as it is the production of this country."

scale running up here. The Vice-Presi

evening made an assertion which he thought very extraordinary, and he really began to doubt whether he ever had crossed the Atlantic Ocean or not. The right hon. Gentleman stated, that if a merchant of Liverpool wrote to America for a cargo of corn, that cargo would arrive in Liverpool in six weeks. If a gentleman wrote a letter the very day the steam-boat sailed from Liverpool (and that

afraid most of them lived up to their incomes; let him suppose that the price of every article were increased by 25 per cent.; the gentleman had his bread, his meat, his wine, and many other luxuries, and if he was a prudent man, he would give up some of his luxuries—perhaps his wine, perhaps some other luxury, or he would make his wife and his daughters go less frequently to the milliner's, or he might go to his banker's and get credit or an advance of money; but what was the poor man to do? He had no luxuries to retrench upon, he had no banker, and he must therefore starve.

boat only sailed once a fortnight), that | position of a gentleman of moderate forletter could not be delivered in America tune living up to his income, and he was under fifteen days. Now, the merchant in America had to purchase his cargo. He got his letter, he read his letter first, he read his letter and set about purchasing his corn. After that he freighted his ship; but before he freighted his ship he must look out for one; but perhaps there was not one ready. Now he would give him twelve days till the ship was cleared out to sail from America. This amounted to twenty-seven days. He had crossed the Atlantic Ocean very often, and he should say the average passage for a deep-laden vessel could not be under one month, unless the cargo was to come by a steam-boat, and if so, they might allow as much corn as they liked to come from America free of all duty, because the high rate of freight would be quite sufficient to keep it out of the market. The right hon. Baronet admitted that 20s. duty was a prohibition on the importation of corn; he needed not to have taken so high a duty, for 18s. duty was a prohibition on the importation of corn, for the printed paper laid before the House showed that a very triAling amount of corn had been admitted at that duty. The right hon. Baronet had begun his scale so uncommonly high, it was his (Sir C. Napier's) intention to vote against it. The right hon. Baronet had said, that he never wished to see corn in this country higher than from 54s. to 58s. Now he believed that the landowners could get on very well with corn at that price, and that the farmer could get on very well, and the agricultural labourer he believed did not complain. But when there was an appearance of a bad harvest, or a few days of bad weather, up got the corn to 84s. a quarter. Now, if the agricultural labourer could only live with corn at 54s., he (Sir C. Napier) should be glad to know how he was to economize so as to live with corn at 84s. a quarter? He ate no meat because he could not pay for it; he could not, therefore, economize in that. He drank no beer, because he could not afford it; he could not, then, economize in that. He might, perhaps, do with less tea and sugar and bread; but the only thing he could economize upon was his stomach, and the stomachs of his children; and when the right hon. Baronet's sliding-scale went down, the labourer would slide a great deal less bread into his stomach. Now, let him ask what was the

Captain F. Berkeley thought that the landlords and the landed interest did not always mean the same thing or go together. For instance, suppose a noble individual of great landed possessions, and an advocate for an alteration of the Cornlaws, died, well, on his heir, a person of different opinions, succeeding to the estate, the tenantry, who had hitherto returned Members unfavourable to the Corn-laws, immediately turned round, and sent Members who coincided with the new landlord's views. All he (Captain F. Berkeley) possessed was as a landed proprietor; still regretting that this motion had been made, because he believed that it would retard the object of the mover, and wishing that it had been otherwise worded, and that the word "now" had been left out, and disliking it on that ground, yet thinking that this motion would keep up a pressure which would ultimately have the effect of altering the Corn-laws, he deemed himself choosing the least of two evils-obliged to vote with the hon. Member.

Debate adjourned.

House resumed.-Committee to sit again.-House adjourned.

HOUSE OF LORDS,

Monday, February 21, 1842.
MINUTES.] Bills. 1. Bankrupt Laws Amendment;

Bankruptcy, Insolvency, and Lunacy; County Courts;
Improving the Law of Evidence..-2. Mitford's Divorce.

Petitions presented. By Lord Brougham, from Burton

upon-Yore, and from several places in Scotland, and by Viscount Melbourne, from Matham, for a Repeal of the Corn-laws. By Lord Brougham, from Presbyterians of Letterkenny, and other places, for Legalizing Marrriages by Dissenters.

TREATY FOR THE SUPPRESSION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE.] The Earl of Aberdeen said, that, in laying on the Table a

might express a confident hope that the treaty would be shortly ratified by that power.

Lord Brougham said, that he, with the rest of the people of this great country, had heard with the deepest regret the an

by the noble Earl, of the temporary postponement, as he sincerely hoped it would prove, of the ratification of this important treaty. He, like the noble Earl, would carefully abstain from saying one word which might have a tendency to increase any of the obstacles that existed to a consummation which all parties were most anxious to secure. But he would take leave to add, to what the noble Earl had said, that if in any quarter whatever a suspicion prevailed, that there lurked beneath the ardent and universal desire of the people of this country, of all classes, and of all parties, to see this important treaty ratified, and its provisions honestly and faithfully executed-to see the infernal slave-traffic effectually put down

treaty, signed by the representatives of the five great Powers of Europe, for the more effectual abolition of the slave-trade, he regretted to have to inform the House that the French ratification of this treaty had not been executed with that of the other powers. Nor was he enabled to in-nouncement, which had been now repeated form the House the precise time at whieh the ratification bythat power might be expected. Their Lordships might be aware of the causes which had produced this decision on the part of the French Government, and which his Majesty the King of the French had thought furnished reasons sufficient to justify the suspension of his ratification. He felt it to be his first duty to abstain from saying or doing any thing which could possibly increase the difficulties which existed, or throw any additional obstacles in the way of the satisfactory termination of this business. The protocol, at the desire of the French Government, still remained open, and its execution by that power might yet be looked for. He might as well explain to the House the situation in which the other powers would any sinister motive or fancy, or imagibe left by the course which had been taken. nation, that thereby or there through might The treaties with France, of 1831 and be secured any extension of any maritime 1833, remained in full force and effect. right, or of any general right of search, or Indeed, the treaty at present under consi- might be fortified any claim, or gratified deration was originated on that of 1833, of this country, or to accomplish any obany desire to increase the maritime power which bound England and France to project, or further any view whatever, except pose to the other great powers to accede only the extinction of the African slaveto the treaty into which they had entered; trade, there never entered into the mind and it was principally with a view of ob- of man a more complete and absolute detaining the perfect union of the five great lusion. He would venture to say, that in powers that the present treaty was undertaken, and not with a view to the intro- vernment, nor of those opposed to the no quarter-neither on the part of the Goduction of any new terms; for in the Government, nor in any branch of either treaty, with only one exception, scarcely House of Parliament, nor in any party any deviation had been made from that out of doors, nor in the mind of any one already existing. By the treaty of 1831 man in the whole of this empire-had a mutual right of search was fully re- there ever existed any idea whatever as cognised, and by that of 1833 the equip- connected with this subject, save and exment articles furnished sufficient ground of cept that of securing the destruction of the caption, and afforded prima facie evidence slave-trade, and that the right of search of guilt. The only addition made by the was connected with any subject or consinew treaty was an extension of the latitudes deration except that one single object, within which the former treaties were to never entered into the mind of any one apply, and although this treaty should not human being of the twenty-five millions be in force with regard to France, these who inhabited the British empire. former treaties would remain in full operation within the restrictive space to which they referred. He need not more particularly allude to the causes which had operated with the French Government, but he might say that they were such as to render it impossible to suppose that affairs would long remain as they now stood, and he

LOCAL COURTS.] Lord Cottenham presented three bills for the establishment of Local Courts. The noble Lord said, that in the course of the last Session of Parliament he had stated his reasons for abstaining from moving the second reading of three bills which he had laid before the

HOUSE OF COMMONS,

Monday, February 21, 1842.

MINUTES.] New Member. J. D. Jackson, Esq., Dublin
University.

Bill. 1o. Brandling Junction Railway.
Petitions presented. By Mr. S. Crawford, from Rochdale,

and several other places, Mr. Divett, from Monmouth,
Mr. Busfeild, from Bradford, Mr. Marsland, from parties
in Manchester, and other places, Sir G. Larpent, Mr.
Morris, Mr. G. Duncan, Mr. Ricardo, Mr. T. M. Gibson,
and other hon. Members, from a great number of places,
for the Repeal of the Corn-laws.-By an hon. Member,
from Millers of Warrington, to encourage the Importation
of Wheat in preference to Flour.-By Mr. Tente, from
Mullingar, Sir R. Ferguson, Mr. J. Young, Mr. Murray,
and Colonel Conolly, from various bodies of Presbyte-
rians in Ireland, for the Legalization of Marriages by
Dissenters.-By Sir William Clay, and Mr. Kemble, from
Oakley-street, Lambeth, and St. Olaves, Southwark, for
the Redemption of Metropolitan Bridge Tolls.-By Mr.
T. Duncombe, from Northampton, for Repeal of the
Poor-law Amendment Act; and from Mossley, and the
Youug Men's Anti-Monopoly Association, Manchester,
for Universal Suffrage.-By an hon. Member, from Wil-
liam Bury, for a Repeal of the Window Tax-From
Midman, for Abolition of Lay Patronage.-From H. and
T. Greville, complaining of withholding Pension of Lieut.
Archer. From Kennington, to participate in Metropoli-
tan Improvements.-From Samuel Gordon, complaining
of Forgery of his Name to a certain Petition.

House upon the same subject, and he had | Chancery, and matters in Bankruptcy, Inthen stated his intention of renewing those solvency, and Lunacy, may be carried to bills in the present Session. He was aware the County Courts." "A Bill to improve that there had been a public announce- the Practice, and extend the Jurisdiction, ment, on the part of the Government, of of County Courts."-Adjourned. an intention to introduce a bill, to a certain extent referring to the same subject, but he was anxious that the whole question should be discussed; and although it was not his intention to interfere with any step which the Government might think proper to adopt, he thought it his duty to redeem the pledge which he had given, and to lay the present Bills before the House. If the Government bills should meet his views upon the subject, he should be happy to abandon these bills, and he should abstain from proceeding any further with them until the House had had an opportunity of seeing the propositions of the Government. He would state the general nature of his bills. The first was a bill to establish courts of local jurisdiction in all the districts throughout the country, so that every town might have, at short intervals, a court of sufficient jurisdiction to decide questions of property to a certain amount, for which at present the remedy was insufficient. By a second bill, he proposed to take advantage of this jurisdiction for the purpose of the better administration of the Bankrupt and Insolvent Acts; and a third bill was intended to employ the same jurisdiction in executing those duties connected with the Court of Chancery now executed by special commissioners, and not well executed, at a great expense. Another object attempted to be carried out by one of the bills was to effect an amendment of the bankrupt law, recommended by the commissioners who had inquired into the subject.

The Lord Chancellor had no objection to the course proposed by his noble and learned Friend. Undoubtedly it would be better that the measures of the noble Lord, and of the Government, should be brought on to be discussed at the same time. He hoped very soon to lay on the Table of the House the bills proposed to be introduced by the Government.

Three bills with the following titles were then successively read a first time :-"A Bill for the Amendment of the Laws relating to Bankrupts, and for the better advancement of justice in certain matters relating to Debtors and Creditors." "A Bill to enable the Lord Chancellor to direct that certain Proceedings from the Court of

THE CASE OF MR. ELTON.] Captain Berkeley wished, in the first place, to correct an error which had appeared in the votes respecting a notice which he had given. It was stated that he intended to move for papers relative to the case of Mr. Elton, whereas he only intended to ask some questions of the gallant Admiral opposite. The first question was, whether the Admiralty was satisfied with the conduct of the court martial in the case of Mr. Elton; the second was, whether the Admiralty approved of the conduct of Captain Williams; and, thirdly, whether the release of Mr. Elton was not an act of clemency on the part of the Admiralty.

Sir George Cockburn thought, that he could give a satisfactory answer to the questions of the hon. Gentleman. answer to the first question, he could safely say, on the part of the Admiralty, that a more honourable or able assembly of officers could not be got together, than the officers who formed the court martial, and the Admiralty had not the least doubt that they felt themselves fully justified in the proceedings which they took. To the second question which related to Captain Williams, he believed he could say for the