fourth quarter, 984,838 quarters. Those I had stated his opinion, that the measures figures showed, that the greater quantity proposed by Government for remedying the was sold in the third quarter, and the fraudulent averages would not produce a average then was 60s. ; but the merchant beneficial effect. It was proposed to reobtained all the benefit of that state of medy this evil, by adding to the towns things, for the farmer, having then no from which the averages were now taken corn to sell, did not participate in the ad- a number of other towns. In many of the vantages such a price gave. The average towns, however, which it was proposed to was 56s. 11d. throughout the other three add to the list, there was very little corn quarters of the year, when the farmer was sold during the latter part of the year; and in the market. The right hon. Baronet he feared the plan would fail to accomplish took his position between 54s. and 58s, the end it was designed to effect. He now he had no hesitation in saying, on the thought, there would be no difficulty in part of his constituents, that that would making an arrangement for the return of not be considered a remunerating price. the averages by the grower, as well as by In his opinion, and those on whose behalf the purchaser. This principle of taking he appeared as a Member of the House, an the averages had been recommended by average of 60s. was necessary; and, if the many practical men. There was no doubt House would allow him, he would endea- it was considered by farmers generally, vour to show that the proposition of the that the scale of duty proposed by the right Government with respect to the averages hon. Baronet opposite was too low, and would be of little or no benefit in checking that the scheme which had been proposed the fictitious sales. By the scale proposed by was not so favourable to their interests as the right hon. Baronet, when the prices they had anticipated. He could assure the averaged from 54s. to 58s., the duty was House, that the farmers did not think they to be 16s. per quarter; he did not con- had now more protection than they were sider that that duty would afford sufficient fairly entitled to expect. He believed, protection. He had taken some pains and that when the farmers of England found trouble to ascertain the quantities of corn that the Government, which they auticiwhich had been imported into this country pated would protect their interests, was at a duty above 16s. during the last ten lowering the protection on corn, and faciliyears. They were as under :tating the introduction of foreign wheat into the market, they would think with him, that they had acted rashly in placing confidence in such a Government. He supposed, that the scale of duties proposed by the Government had been adopted, in a great measure, upon the information they had received from Mr. Meek. He had in his hands a letter which had been received by a friend of his from a gentleman in Germany, containing some remarks on the visit of Mr. Meek to that country; and it would appear from the statements in that communication that, from the mode in which Mr. Meek conducted his inquiries, he was not likely to obtain much information on the subject it was his object to investigate. The noble Lord read an extract from the communication to the following effect: Years. Quarters. 1831 1832 30,622 116,127 1833 11,044 1834 163 1835 1836 997 1837 210,256 1838 19,456 1839 1840 47 49,688 299,354 It appeared to him, that this quantity of corn imported in 1840, the merchant paying an average aggregate duty of 20s. 8d., was sufficient to prove to any one that a duty of 16s. would afford no protection whatever. He took it for granted, the Government were of opinion that their proposed scale was an improvement on that now in force, but when they found so large a quantity imported at so high a duty as 20s. 8d. [Sir R. Peel: What was the price then?] The price was then 66s. to 69s. ; but he would again say, that when they found so much, so large a quantity imported, paying so much higher a duty than 16s., the latter could afford no protection to the farmer. He "Mr. Meek was a few hours at Lubec, but proceeded the same day he came here to Rostock. The corn speculators amused themHe assured them, that if the English Cornselves with his total ignorance of this country. laws were altered, all the sandy soils would grow turnips and wheat immediately. I should like to have seen this wiseacre to learn how I can grow turnips on our sands, where everything burns to snuff in our usually warm summers," When the farmers of Lincolnshire | on the present occasion, either to attack learned that the person who had recom- him for deserting the interests of his conmended the scale of duties proposed by the right hon. Baronet, had made such a statement as this, he was convinced they would wish that a better agent had been selected. Before he resumed his seat, he wished to prefer to the Government a humble request, that they would seriously and attentively consider a better measure for taking the averages, because he believed it was the unanimous opinion of the farmers of the county he represented, that the scheme at present proposed by Government would afford them little protection. The system of taking the averages, as at present existing, was the subject of general complaint by the farmers; the numerous fictitious sales which were made, led to the introduction of bonded corn, and, the market being thus glutted, the farmers' prices were lowered. He was aware, that those who were opposed to the sliding scale, would gather an argument from what he had said, and would contend, that the sliding scale was the great source of the evils to which he had alluded. But he was of opinion, that a fixed duty would be injurious to the country, that it would be impossible to maintain it when the price of corn was high; and that they could not adopt a rate of duty sufficiently high to protect the farmer when the price of corn was low. He believed that, by a more stringent system of taking the averages, they might act most beneficially upon the principle of a sliding scale; and he therefore felt it his duty to oppose the motion which had been proposed by the noble Lord near him. stituents, or to come forward and explain to the House that the manufacturers were not distressed from the operation of the Corn-laws. Considering that his noble Friend had on more than one occasion recorded his vote of confidence in favour of an Anti-Corn-law Administration, it ill became him to doubt the sincerity of his right hon. Friend at the head of the Government in coming forward with the present measure. His noble Friend had been pleased to state, that he (Mr. Christopher) was the first person who had recommended to his constituents the adoption of a maximum duty of 20s. on importations of foreign corn. He had thought it his duty, in consequence of a vote at the commencement of the last session of Parliament, when he thought that not only his noble Friend and those who acted with him, but that both Houses of Parliament, were pledged to entertain the question of the revision of the Cornlaws, to apply his mind to the subject, and to state to his constituents what modification of duty he thought would be beneficial. He did not say on that occasion, that he thought a maximum duty of 20s. ought to be levied on the importation of foreign corn. He had stated that, as the noble Lord had said that foreign corn could be introduced into this country in any quantity, exclusive of duty and profit, at the price of 36s. a quarter, the maximum duty of 20s. was sufficient; that if it 30s., a maximum duty of 25s. would be could be introduced in any quantity under sufficient; but if, as it had been stated, a Mr. Christopher said, the noble Lord considerable quantity could be introduced who had just addressed the House had at 23s., a maximum duty of 30s. ought to thought fit to cast some reflections upon be imposed on the importation of foreign him, in reply to which he deemed it corn. He had taken the opportunity of necessary to offer a few observations. It making that statement not in any part of was not his intention when he entered the the county which he represented, where House to take any part in the debate; he might be supposed to be supported but he could not avoid congratulating the either from local interest or party feeling, House, and especially that portion of it but he had made that declaration in the which supported the agricultural interest, presence of many adherents of a near reon the new-born zeal of the noble Lord lative of the noble Lord; and whether he who had last spoken. When they con- had said on that occasion that a maximum sidered that at the commencement of the duty of 20s. or of 25s. was a sufficient last session of Parliament his noble Friend protection, he must say, that what he had had thought fit to vote for an address to said had been not only well received, but the Crown, which attributed all the dis-had been cheered by the persons who tress which prevailed in the manufacturing lived on the estate of that relative of the districts to the operation of the Corn-noble Lord, and it was not till six weeks laws, he thought that it ill became him, after that the noble Lord, more for the sake of embarrassing the Administration of this country than with the view of obtaining a settlement of this question, had chosen to agitate this country and his own tenants on this subject. It might be expected that a panic arose in consequence of this agitation; but this he would say, from information he had received from the county he represented, that ever since the proposition of the Government had been considered, the great majority of the constituent body of that county would rather accept the measure as it was, than any measure which any combination of the noble Lord's friends might propose. He had given notice of a motion, that when the House resolved itself into a committee, he would state to that committee good and sufficient reasons for inducing them to adopt a maximum duty of 25s. in lieu of the duty proposed by her Majesty's Administration. But whether the House agreed to his proposition or not, so persuaded was he that it was desirable to have a permanent settlement of this question for the benefit of agriculture, and for the benefit of those individuals whom he and whom the noble Lord (Lord Worsley) also represented in that House, that he would infinitely rather see the measure of the Administration pass without a single alteration than he would see the agricultural interest left to the mercy of the noble Lord. With regard to what his conduct had been, either in the presence of his constituents, or as a Member of that House, he was not afraid to appear before them, and to enter the lists with the noble Lord whenever the occasion required it. The noble Lord had thought fit to impute to him what had been imputed to him by a former Member of that House, that he had acted the unworthy part of concerting with the Administration to overthrow the agricultural interest. He appealed to his right hon. Friend at the head of the Government, whether, directly or indirectly, he had ever made any communication to the Government on the subject of the Cornlaws, till he had stated his opinions publicly in the presence of his constituents. Lord Worsley hoped the House would allow him to say that he did not intend to cast any reflection on the hon. Member. He had merely said that the hon. Member had formerly proposed a plan which he opposed in his amendment, and this, therefore, showed that his former plan, which agreed with the proposed measure of the Government, was unpopular with his constituents. Mr. G. Berkeley was not going to desert the landed interest, nor did he fear being charged with attending too much to the demands of the middling classes of the population; and even if he had but that one reason it would guide his vote that night. He thought that by adopting a sufficient fixed duty we should get rid of the present gambling transactions, which pressed so hard on the manufacturer, while the sliding scale did not in any way protect the agricultural interest. Under these circumstances he should support the amendment. Sir R. Peel said,-Mr. Speaker, after the demand which I was obliged to make on the attention of hon. Members in bringing forward the measure now under discussion, I shall certainly feel it incumbent upon me to limit myself as strictly as possible within the bounds which the nature of the motion prescribes, and confine myself altogether to the issue which is proposed by the noble Lord. I am a little surprised at the nature of the issue raised by the noble Lord. I am quite aware that I have to contend against two classes of antagonists, entertaining entirely opposite opinions, the one led by the noble Lord-the advocate of a fixed duty; the other coincident with the hon. and learned Gentleman (Mr. Roebuck)—a decided enemy to all duty whatever. And I was a little curious to know by what process these two classes of antagonists could be brought to range under the same banner. The noble Lord I expected to affirm that a fixed duty ought to be preferred to a sliding scale. I heard much when the noble Lord was in the Government-much from him in condemnation of those who, opposing his measures, did not clearly announce their own plans. "Concert, if you please" (the noble Lord used to say)," the rejection of the measure we propose, but if, giving your assent to abstract propositions, you resolve to combine against the measures of her Majesty's Government, in that case it becomes the character of a great Opposition, to leave on record the principles on which they have acted." The noble Lord used to say, " It is very well for you. to act in opposition to our measures; you "Resolved, that no settlement of the question of the Corn-laws can be permanent or satisfactory which does not include within itself the principle of a fixed duty.” are not charged with the duties and re- | precedents, his motion would have been sponsibility of government; but you have thishad a long public life; you enjoy the confidence of a great party; these measures have undergone frequent discussion, and the country really wants to know what are the principles on which you oppose them." Such being the language which the noble Lord used to hold when in the Government, I certainly did expect to find the noble Lord meeting us fairly on the grounds on which, in his opinion, the measure which we propose cannot be entertained; I did expect from him, after all the eloquence which I have heard from him against ambiguous abstract resolutions, a full and complete exposition of his own principles. How they who are the advocates for a total repeal of all duties on foreign corn can vote for the resolution of the noble Lord, I confess I cannot understand. It is a matter of wonder to me how any advocate of a fixed duty can be found to concur with the noble Lord in his proposition. The noble Lord merely affirms, Why, Sir, fixed duty lurks under this ambiguous phraseology. He who moves the resolution is in favour of a fixed duty. How it can find approval with you, who are opposed to all duties whatever-how it can be worth your while to vote for this motion, which you know perfectly well involves in it, ambiguous though the words may be, the principle of a fixed duty and nothing else, I confess I am at a loss to imagine. The motion which the noble Lord ought to have made-I mean, if he intended to maintain his own declared principles-would have stated distinctly and clearly what were the principles which he was prepared to recommend the House to adopt in preference to the principles of Our measure. I thought the noble Lord would have presented us with some such motion as would have brought fully and fairly to issue the question whether a fixed duty is preferable to a sliding scale; and if the noble Lord had acted on former Acting on the precedent of the year 1835, when it was difficult to bring men of conflicting opinions to join in a common course and unite in a common vote, that would have been the resolution which the noble Lord would have brought forward. But in this case opinions are even more discordant than they were in 1835, and the noble Lord has not had the benefit of a compact alliance; if on this occasion the noble Lord had fairly announced in his resolution the principles on which he was prepared to act, and, consequently, it was necessary for the noble Lord, and the advocates of total repeal, to concert what might be the best mode of covering the grounds on which they are severally prepared to support the same proposition, and how they might best hope to conceal from that enlightened public who, we are told, have their scrutinizing eyes upon us and our proceedings, what are the real differences between the noble Lord and the parties whom he expects to support him to-night. But in fact my conflict tonight is not a conflict with a fixed duty, and I must say that, in respect of the general principles which have been laid down by the noble Lord as those on which he should have legislated on this question, there is no material discordance between us. I also fully agree with the right hon. Gentleman, that the great object which we ought always to maintain in view in legislating on the corn duties is the welfare and benefit of the great body of the people; and I think that man not a true friend to the agricultural interest who, for the purpose of conferring any temporary benefit on that interest, tries to effect his object by calling on the great body of the public to sacrifice real advantages. Then, with respect to the opinions of the noble Lord, he said, that he would submit to any odium rather than agree to do what he considered to be injustice to the agricultural interest; he said that the agricultural interest would be entitled to protection on two grounds-first, if they were subject to any peculiar and special burdens; secondly, if in consequence of the long endurance of laws originally, per- purpose of raising the averages, and if haps, defective in their principle, the there is now, when corn is at 70s., inagricultural body had been led, under the ducement to hold till it reaches 73s., sanction of the legislature, to embark their what an immense inducement to hold capital, and had entered into engagements back will there be when the difference of on the faith of what the legislature had 2s. in the price makes a difference of 8s. done, then, that though in principle it in the duty. And then with respect to might be competent for you to retrace America, the merchant there, finding the your steps, yet, nevertheless, the consi-duty here remitted when the price is at derations of sound justice and equity for-73s., ships his corn; but the holders here bade you to return; but, on the contrary, have poured in corn upon the market in imperatively demanded that you should the meantime. It is then said to be their continue to foster the interests which had interest to combine to raise the duty. grown up under your management. I say, They do combine, and the price falls in then, that if these be the sentiments of the consequence to 72s., and the duty rises to noble Lord with respect to the agricultu- 8s., and the American merchant is left to ral interest, I don't know, as I said be- put up with the failure of his speculation. fore, that I materially differ from the The noble Lord must, therefore, confess noble Lord, and whatever difference there that after six months' time for deliberais between us is not a difference of princi- tion, the only amendment which he proples, but a difference only as to the mere poses leaves unremedied almost all the nature of the measure which is fit to be defects of the present system. Sir, an adopted in order to carry out those prin- attention to the debate that has occurred ciples, and it is because we are of opinion during these three evenings, the conflictthat we shall so best carry out those prin- ing opinions expressed by many hon. ciples, that we propose a graduated scale Members, and the different apprehensions on the footing of a duty, varying inversely entertained, must have convinced any as the price, and diminishing as the price Gentleman, however wedded he may be rises, but guarding the agricultural interest to his own opinion, that to endeavour to against competition when the price is low, effect a settlement of so complicated a as far as is consistent with the interests of question as the Corn-laws is a task of the consumer, and abandoning the duty no ordinary difficulty. Contrast the when the interests of the consumer re- speech of the noble Lord the Member quires its abandonment. I consider that for Lincolnshire to-night with that of the a better principle than the principle of a right hon. Gentleman the President of the fixed duty, and therefore it is that I pro- Board of Trade last night. [An hon. pose it for the adoption of the House. A Member. -The late President of the fixed duty, indeed, the noble Lord now Board of Trade]. The ex-President of seems inclined to abandon. "We will the Board of Trade, I mean. He spoke have no sliding scale," says the noble with such authority that I thought he was Lord, but still the noble Lord in one case still in office. But contrast those two adopts a sliding scale. The difference speeches. The right hon. Gentleman told between the noble Lord and me is that he us last night that my mode of taking the slides on one leg. The noble Lord is averages would diminish the price, and prepared to maintain the system of raise the duty to the amount of 5s.; but averages to determine when the duty at what does the noble Lord tell us to-night? certain prices shall cease altogether. He tells us that the greatest alarm had Well, I think that my plan is the better been excited in the county of Lincoln on of the two, because, as was justly observed account of the mode in which I propose in his able speech by my right hon. Friend to take the averages, for that, in point of the Vice-President of the Board of Trade fact, it would prejudice the farmer to a (Mr. Gladstone), because the noble Lord most material extent. At the views of keeps on the fixed duty of 8s., when the the right hon. Gentleman I confess I am price is at 72s., but at 73s. or 74s., deter- surprised. I am surprised that he should mining the price by the averages, the no- have given utterance to an apprehension ble Lord proposes that the duty shall al- so unfounded. All I can say is, that I together cease. Now, if combinations utterly disclaim the idea of affording any can exist under the present system for the additional protection to agriculture by the |