Majesty's Government to deve.ope a more extensive measure than a mere alteration in the sliding scale, he should hail it with satisfaction, and assure them of his sincere support. He perhaps might be allowed to express his hopes that the right hon. Ba

firmly upon what he really believed to be conducive to the permanent interest of the country, and that on this most vital question, he would not allow a desire of compromising and conciliating various interests to interfere with the exercise of his own sincere conviction, and his own independent reason. It had been his lot to come into Parliament when the right hon. Baronet was constrained to alter his course on the important subject of religious freedom. Up to that time the right hon. Baronet had maintained in debate, from conviction no doubt, the policy of a system of religious ascendency. He trusted that it would not be the course of the right hon. Baronet now to maintain a system of social ascendency, upholding one interest at the expense of another. Of such a policy if he did not become boldly the opponent, he would sooner or later be the victim.

federation, or Zollverein, as it was called, as an approximation to freedom of trade, just as the Union with Scotland, or as the the abolition of the discriminating duties on corn between England and Ireland in the year 1806, was an approach to free trade between those countries; and heronet would take his stand boldly and maintained that this approximation to free trade in Germany was only to be met by England by an approximation to free trade in general. And to show hon. Gentlemen opposite, who were so bent on the encouragement of our agriculture, what influence this increase of the manufactures of Germany had on the agriculture of the country, it was stated on the authority he had already quoted, that "the increase of trade in Germany, in consequence of this union, had considerably augmented the demand for the amount of the raw materials supplied by agriculture;" this allegation supported the doctrine which they (the Opposition Members) had always laid down on that side of the House, and which was not denied by the First Lord of the Treasury himself, that the real way to benefit agriculture was, by extending trade and manufactures. The same authority which he had cited proceeded to shew that this Lord J. Russell spoke to the following extension of the principle of free trade in effect: Mr. Speaker, I should have been Germany, so far from lowering wages, as glad if I could have given, with perfect some hon. Members on the other side of satisfaction to myself, a silent vote in fa the House had apprehended, had had the vour of the Address which has been proeffect of increasing wages; for the same posed by the noble Lord opposite; but, as writer observed, that there had been, some misapprehension may exist, if some since that time, an increase of employment, Member on this side of the House belongand a rise in wages." He trusted, there-ing to her Majesty's late Administration fore, in common with many others who does not express his opinion with regard had, from the sincerest conviction main-to certain points contained in that Address, tained and supported the doctrine of free I will venture to trouble the House with a trade. that her Majesty's Government few observations before we come to the were about to act upon those principles as vote which is to be given this night. I they were laid down by the committee on most heartily concur in the commencement Import-duties, which sat during the last of this Address, which proposes to assure Parliament. He should, therefore, await her Majesty, that we cordially join her the development of their plans with Majesty in expressing our deep sense of anxiety; he trusted he might do so with gratitude to Almighty God on account of confidence. At the same time he was the birth of a Prince-an event which has bound to express his sincere conviction, added to the measure of her Majesty's dothat although the present fluctuating scale mestic happiness, and which has been hailed of corn duties might be beneficially altered with every demonstration of affectionate so as to make it a less sliding scale, yet it attachment to the Crown, by her Majesty's would be a sliding scale still; though al- faithful and loyal people. Both on public tered in detail, it would have still the in- and private grounds, as respects her Maherent defect of a bad principle; though jesty's just and constitutional exercise of it would reduce the amount of fluctuation, the privileges vested in her from the comit would still fail to remove that real im- mencement of her reign to this day, as pediment to all increase of trade, unsteadi-well as on account of the domestic happi ness of price and uncertainty of market. ness which she so well deserves. I fully But if it should be the intention of her and most fervently join in offering my

the manner in which they are referred to. It may be that when the measures are brought forward which are alluded tothat when the right hon. Baronets brings forward his measures with respect to corn

when other Members of the Government bring forward their measures with respect to the productions of foreign countries, they may not be such as I can support. But it is a satisfaction to me to find that the nature of the measures to which her Majesty, under the advice of the present advisers, has thought fit to call to the attention Parliament, are of a nature simi

congratulations upon the occurrence of an event which seems to contain in it the elements of public and private felicity. I cordially join, likewise, in that portion of the Address which expresses our joy and satisfaction at the visit of an illustrious prince-an ally of her Majesty's house, who, at the invitation of her Majesty, has attended in person to be the sponsor of the Royal Prince whose christening has been lately celebrated, and I trust, that with that Prince, eminent as he is, no less by his virtues and abilities than by the station which he holds among the powers of Europe, we shall continue a cordial and per-lar to those which it was the crime of the manent alliance. Sir, with respect to other parts of the Address which relate to foreign powers, I find little to observe upon; and I can can scarcely do more than express my concurrence in the sentiments declared by the noble Lord in moving the Address. I am rejoiced to hear, that our relatious with Persia are not only re-established, but that a commercial treaty has been effected with that power; and I rejoice to learn, that with respect to all the powers of Europe, we are on terms of the most amicable nature. I trust, that any differences, or causes of dissension, which may remain with regard to the United States of America, may be satisfactorily arranged by the mission sent by the advice of her Majesty's present Government. Whether it were wise to send such a mission is a point on which I do not feel called upon now to give any opinion, nor do I feel it necessary to express any opinion whether it is better to arrange any existing points of difference by such means, or by means of the usual correspondents of her Majesty's Government. The Government have thought it best to adopt the course which they have taken, and I wish that it may be successful, and that with the United States, as well as with the powers of Europe, feelings may be established-feelings in common of the benefits of peace-feelings of the advantages of that commercial intercourse which strengthens and blesses peace; and that all causes of dissention, still less of war-all that spirit of hostility which has sometimes existed between nations, will be caused to vanish. Sir, I come now to that part of the Speech of her Majesty which concerns the domestic situation of this country; and I must say, with regard to that portion of the Speech, also, that I have very great satisfaction in observing the topics which are introduced into it, and adverted to, as well as in observing

late Government to bring under the consideration of Parliament. In our hands they were to be questions which would excite discord between one class and another-which would influence public discontent-which would injure the institutions of the country by unjust results, and which would lead to incalculable evils; but they are now to be submitted to the House as those questions upon which remedies for the financial difficulties of the country, and for the distresses of the people, may best be founded. The noble Lord who moved the Address, and who has done so in a manner which has given such promise of his future career in this House, thought proper to tell his constituents, before he became a Member of this House, that nothing could be worse than the conduct of the late Government, and he asked for their support on that ground, as well as upon the mode in which that Government proposed to treat the financial difficulties of the country. That Government was charged to be reckless for attempting to adopt such measures as were proposed; but now I am convinced that those measures were founded on right principles, and I am convinced by what has passed to-night, that the leaders of all parties who have considered this subject have come to the same opinion upon the principle upon which we should act; namely, that the disorder in our financial position is a matter which requires the attention of Parliament; that it should not be allowed to continue year after year without the attention of Parliament, at least; but that you should not attempt to set right the disorder of your finances, without at the same time taking into consideration the laws which affect trade-the laws which affect our imports-the laws which, to say in one word, impose such heavy taxes upon the people of this country

forward, I hope that the noble Lord will see that it is calculated to remedy the existing disorder of the finances before he proposes a wholesale scheme of emigration; but until I hear the notice given, I shall disbelieve that any such intention exists, or that, though it has been thrown out as a remedy proposed to be applied, there is any intention to bring forward a scheme which may lead us into fresh difficulties, and give rise to a new and extravagant

have predicted that, as a great portion of the party who have now come into power are opposed to the Poor-law, and that, as the Poor-law is tyrannical and oppressive, the Conservative Government (as it is called) will not be long before they propose a law, if not for the total repeal, for the abolition of the office of Commissioners, and everything that is odious in the existing law. We have had a practical denial of that by the appointment of a third gentleman to act as Commissioner - fully qualified to hold that office--and whose nomination to the performance of its duties does honour to her Majesty's Government, and to the Secretary of State for the Home Department. But such a circumstance is a complete refutation of any notion which may have been entertained that the Poorlaw, as it now stands, is to be abolished or repealed. There have been other matters mentioned into which I will not further enter, to

not for the State-not for the Crown-not | no notice given to-night of any intention for the Exchequer-but for the sake of to bring it under the attention of the different classes. We brought these sub- House. If such a scheme is to be brought jects under the consideration of the House. My right hon. Friend near me, the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, in stating the condition of the finances of the country to this House in April last, said, that we looked to such sources and to such things with a view to invigorate the resources of the country, to improve the general riches of the country, and thereby to improve our financial condition. Was he wrong, I ask, in stating those principles? Was the Cabinet, of which he was then the organ, mis-expenditure. But another class of persons taken in saying that those matters should be looked to? We have heard much of such things since the last Session of Parliament; and much has been said of remedies of totally different classes which have been suggested, and in accordance with many of which it has been represented that her Majesty's Ministers were disposed to act. There were, first, the delegates with respect to the Ten Hours' Factory Bill, and after their somewhat theatrical interview with the right hon. Baronet, and other Members of the Government, and a great deal of stage display, they thought fit to encourage the hope-no doubt raised first by the gentlemen who came to the Government in favour of the Ten Hours' Bill, and who turned out after all to be the Socialist editors of some new Moral World, that the attention of the Government would be given to the subject. But now it appears from a letter written some short time ago, to a noble Lord, who is most which the country have been sincere, I believe, in his exertions on this prone to look during the recess as the point, that the right hon. Baronet, who I remedies which the Government inhave no doubt is no less earnest, and is tended to propose, but I am glad to find, actuated by motives no less praiseworthy, because I rejoice not less in the statement but with more wisdom and caution, is made in the Speech from the Throne than ready to oppose the Ten Hours' Bill, and in the omissions which I observe in it, that limit of labour which, if adopted, that none of these measures, some of which would cut to the roots the manufacturing I should think most dangerous-almost prosperity of this country, will not give his all of which I should think most futileassent to such a measure. We next heard are to be resorted to. But I am glad to of a great scheme of emigration, which find that the principles to be acted upon was to be the great remedy for all difficul- by the present Government, are no other ties, by which the people of this country than those wholesome ones proposed and were to be transported to our colonies at advocated by theoretical writers for some the public expense; but now, by a letter time, supported by the best of statesmen written yesterday or the day before, by the in this country, and which the late Gonoble Lord at the head of the Colonial vernment, on their retirement from office, Department, it appears that no such ex-left as a legacy to the country, and which tensive scheme of emigration is entertained. The noble Lord seems now to contradict this suggestion; but, if such a scheme does exist, or is in contemplation, I have heard

I hope to see eventually carried out; principles which before long I trust I shall see established on the statute-book of this country. The right hon. Baronet has al

These words, as I consider, agreeing | sion. We felt perfectly certain of the with them as I am glad to do, leave to us unanimous concurrence of the House in the power of maintaining a principle, if we that part of the Address which congratu so think fit, which we maintained as a Go- lates her Majesty on a recent event; and vernment, that seeing that the expenditure we felt perfectly convinced that if that of late years has been produced by tem event has completed the domestic happiporary causes, and that it is a great and ness of her Majesty and her illustrious powerful evil to impose new taxes without consort, it has also added to the private an absolute necessity existing for us to do and domestic happiness of every family in so, we should wait to ascertain the result this country. The noble Lord has very of any measures which may be determined lightly touched on those parts of the Adon, before we resort to the application of dress which referred to the foreign corresnew imposts. I shall be ready to hear the pondence of this nation, and in all of them statement of the right hon. Baronet, and he expressed his readiness to concur; he which will, no doubt, extend to the whole expressed his satisfaction at the conclusion course which he means to take, and cer- of a treaty with the court of Teheran, and tainly, if I am not able to support him in at the prospect of the establishment of his plan, I will take care to give him due amicable relations between Persia and this notice with respect to any point on which country. I think that I should not refer I may wish to take the sense of the House. to that subject without bearing my testiI will only further say, that it is a great mony to the cordial co-operation which satisfaction to me that on the occasion on the diplomatic agents of this country rewhich we are to congratulate her Majesty ceived from the minister of Russia in his on the auspicious birth of a Prince of exertions. But I am bound to say that I Wales, there is nothing in the remainder trust that it is the good sense of the court of the Address which prevents me from of Teheran, and the sense of the common giving my cordial assent to it; and what- interests involved in the question in disever differences we may have hereafterpute, which have induced that court to however I may dissent from the measures to accede to our advances and profwhich may be hereafter brought forward-fers, and that the establishment of our there is nothing which will prevent the House on this occasion from giving an

friendly interest is attributable to its own right and proper feeling. The Emperor unanimous vote. of Russia, however, I must add, has exSir Robert Peel said: I cannot be sur-hibited every desire by means of his agent prised, though I am gratified to hear the to influence the court of Teheran to renoble Lord who has just sat down, express establish its amicable relations with this his feeling that we should unanimously country. The noble Lord, in his speech concur, whatever may be our present di- to the House, seemed to intimate some visions or our prospect of future conflicts, doubt upon the policy of sending a special that we should cordially concur in present-mission to the United States of America, ing an Address to her Majesty, conveying but he should bear in mind that some of to her Majesty the heart-felt congratula- the causes of difference between the tions of this House on the event which United States and this country have long has recently occurred, and has given existed-that the attempts on the part of new stability to the Throne and con- the various governments by means of stitution of this country. I have pur- correspondents, however ably they may posely abstained, with my colleagues, have performed their duties, to bring having long held that opinion, that there them to a satisfactory conclusion, have was great inconvenience in forcing the been unsuccessful-that the continuHouse, on the first day of its assembling, ance of these unfortunate causes to a division, without the means which discord leads to fresh and increasing diffiformerly existed of ascertaining the senti-culties. These considerations it was which timents to be contained in the Address, induced the Government, without implyfrom taking that course, and from calling ing the slightest censure on the very able on the House to pledge itself to the sup- Minister now in the United States, to send port of certain measures; and therefore, a person whose high station in the counwe did undoubtedly purposely frame the cils of this nation pointed him out as the Address in a manner which we hoped fittest person to be selected, and who, would not unnecessarily produce a collis-possessed of the views and intentions of

of