tion the great bulk of the working classes. I the slavery question; and he could now He had concurred with his noble Friend the only repeat his hope, that the negotiation noble Viscount (Viscount Melbourne) in to which he had particularly alluded might an argument he used upon the Corn- be brought to a speedy and a happy terlaws on the first day of the last Session.mination. His noble Friend warned their Lordships Earl Fitzwilliam felt somewhat anxious and the landed interest generally, against to say a few words on the present occaallowing a state of things to continue that sion, and the more so because he was apwas neither safe for them nor for the Con-prehensive if he remained altogether silent, stitution. Here, said the noble Viscount, motives might be attributed to him which was a code of laws made by one House of in reality had no influence on his mind. Parliament wholly composed of landowners, He felt entire gratitude to her Majesty's and by another in great part composed Ministers for the course they had taken, also of landowners. That was not a safe as far as he was able to divine what that state of things. That, said he, was a state course would be. He felt entire gratitude of things liable to suspicion and jealousy. to her Majesty's Ministers for having That, said he, ought to be altered for drawn the attention of the House to that the safety of the landowners, and of the particular law to which, under auspices two Houses of Parliament themselves. less favourable, it had been his lot during So he (Lord Brougham) thought it was not several preceding sessions, but with no a safe state of things either for the two great success, to bring under the notice Houses of Parliament, or for the Crown, of a majority of that House. Although or for the general stability of the Constitu- he had had devoted friends to the cause tion, that there should be a representative in which he had embarked, both he and system, framed by two Houses, both of they had alike failed in impressing the which consisted wholly of proprietors of importance of that question upon a majosome kind, a system so framed as to exclude rity of their Lordships' House. A large all save those who happened to be the own- majority, indeed, had negatived the proers of property. In what way they ought to position he had ventured to propound to admit the other classes-by what degrees them, and yet in less than three years by what slow degrees if their Lordships since the time he had first endeavoured pleased-but in what way they should unsuccessfully to draw attention to this break down the line of distinction which subject, he had the great satisfaction of placed all the property of the country hearing that question recommended to the on one side, and all the numbers, not consideration of Parliament, first by the being possessed of property, on the other, Administration in power six months ago, if not in conflict, at least in opposition to and subsequently by an Administration each other-by what rule, by what means, composed of those noble Lords who had by what steps, he cared not how slow overturned the former Government, not and gradual the operation, and what was merely by their power in this House-for the best and most effectual way safely to by that power alone they could not have get rid of this state of things which thus effected it--but by the assistance they were divided the country, and endangered its enabled to obtain from the agricultural institutions, he would not now stop to classes-from the landlords down to, he beinquire. But that something must believed, the agricultural labourer, for they done, and that speedily, to shew they were not determined to maintain that line of distinction, he was as perfectly satisfied as he was of any of the propositions of law or of fact to which he had had the honour of directing their Lordships' attention that night. These were topics upon which, he well knew, he had not the happiness of agreeing with the majority of their Lordships, or possibly with any considerable body of their House. But that difference of opinion did not extend to the point on which he had before addressed their Lordships-namely, the negotiations with foreign powers, and VOL. LX. {i} Third had enlisted even the labourers in their cause, though it was clear that their interests were diametrically opposed to them. So it was, however; the land-owners had succeeded in impressing upon the minds of tenants that they were interested in the maintenance of the Corn-law, and yet he had now the satisfaction to hear that the Ministers recommended the Corn-law to the consideration of Parliament. He did not precisely know in what relation to the Government, or what was the exact position in the Ministry of a noble Duke of great authority in this country, whom every man regarded with the highest reC spect. That noble Duke had been for had not heard that the noble Duke had many years the leader of the party now been particularly pressed to become a in power; and though he held no public Member of the Government by those who office, was a sort of viceroy over the Mi- formed the Administration;-if he had nistry; but he confessed it was a marvel been an unwilling labourer, then it might to him, exemplifying the old adage, that easily be understood that he might have "marvels never cease," that that noble seized upon some light and trivial occaDuke, the presiding genius of the Ministry, sion as an opportunity for retiring. But holding a seat in the Cabinet without office, he had not heard that was the case, and whose particular affection for the Corn-laws he was, therefore, of opinion, that some was well-known, should concur with his great and important change was in conColleagues in recommending the Corn-laws templation. The greater the better. He to the consideration of Parliament. After hoped it would be a large and comprehenall he had heard from the noble Duke re- sive measure; he hoped that the noble lative to the good working of that law, he Duke, the inspiring genius of the Cabinet, confessed it astonished him that the noble was about to deal with the Corn-laws as he Duke should concur with the other Mem- did with the Catholic question. He hoped bers of the Administration in their present the noble Duke was about to commence a recommendation. Something, it was to be campaign in legislation as useful and as impresumed, was to follow from that recom-portant as any of those he had successfully mendation. Was that something to be so carried on upon the continent of Europe. small, that it would require a political mi- He hoped the noble Duke was about to croscope to discover it? He felt no assu- begin a campaign in 1842 similar to that rance that the measure was not to be he carried through in 1829. The cases exceedingly small, because another noble were parallel. Many of their Lordships, Duke had within a short period ceased to who were yesterday perhaps two hundred be a Member of her Majesty's Government. miles away from that spot, and were by He wished to know, and he apprehended the power of art and mechanical science that a great number of persons out of enabled to reach the scene of their duties doors would also be desirous to know with such wonderful rapidity, little what was the difference between the thought, while in the retirement of their Ministers and the noble Duke who country seats, that upon their arrival in had just quitted the Government-most town they were to be regaled with an honourably and conscientiously, no doubt. invitation to consider the Corn-laws. It The noble Duke had quitted office without would be a great sacrifice to many noble looking to favour or reward, that he might Lords, even as it was in 1829, when they go forth free, as a man who had sacrificed were called upon to swallow that large power and office that he might adhere to measure of Catholic Emancipation. He and protect those whose interests were his did not wish it to be supposed that he was especial regard. He confessed he felt also one of those who considered the repeal of some curiosity to know the particular point the Corn-laws as a nostrum for all the of difference in opinion between the noble evils that were complained of. He had Duke who had retired and his noble Friend never stated that, nor did he believe it. (the Duke of Buccleugh) who had sucuc- But his opinion upon the Corn-law was, ceeded to the office, because his noble that of all the various causes which could Friend had distinguished himself too-be assigned for the evils that now prevailed with great propriety no doubt-as a leader in this country, there was no one cause that of the agricultural interest, and one most was anything like so influential in having anxious to protect it. The noble Duke produced them as the Corn-law. That (Buccleugh) was anxious, no doubt, to was his opinion, but he did not say that protect the agricultural interest, and yet, even a large measure of alteration would he had come into a Government on the eve remedy all those evils, nor, indeed, did he of proposing a measure which the noble believe that all the evils were remediable Duke, who had quitted office, thought so by any means. He believed they had gon injurious to agriculture that he had found too far. He did not think that the counhimself absolutely under the necessity of try could go back in all respects to the state retiring. If the noble Duke (the Duke of of commercial and manufacturing pros Buckingham) had evinced complete indiffe- perity that had once prevailed. The derence as to office, which he (Earl Fitz- cline of prosperity had not been suddenwilliam) believed was not the case, for he it had been a gradual declension. Each succeeding year had been worse than its predecessor; and even at the present inoment, he had understood, from authority which he need not name, that there was not the slightest manifestation of improvement. The Government had gone on too long in an exclusive commercial system, and they could not now recover the position they had lost. But that was no reason why they should not do their best, and try to arrest the rapidity of that decadence that was going on. He had often urged their Lordships to look this question boldly in the face, and devise some remedy for the evils which the system had entailed. At last, not, of course, influenced by anything he had advanced, but by the importance of the subject-at last pressing itself irresistibly upon their minds, their Lordships did apply themselves to the question. And what was the consequence? A majority of the House had said to the late Government, you shall not be allowed to do this-you are the few, and we are the many, and we will do it ourselves. When he alluded to the great change that had recently taken place in the Cabinet, he was convinced, that the majority of that House, and the individuals composing that majority were not persons to think that it was of no consequence who were Members of the Government, and to say we must look to measures and not to persons; because he remembered, that about five months ago, at the opening of the first Session of the present Parliament, the noble Lord now President of the Board of Trade, presented an Address to her Majesty, containing a paragraph to this ef fect: "We feel it to be our duty humbly to represent to your Majesty, that it is essential to the satisfactory result of our deliberations, that your Majesty's Government should possess the confidence of the House and of the coun try, and respectfully to represent to your Majesty that that confidence is not reposed in the present advisers of your Majesty." That was a pretty pregnant proof that the majority sometimes looked to men as well as to measures. It was right so to do, and therefore he thought that great curiosity would be expressed to know what had been the cause of the important change that had taken place in the Cabinet within the last few days. He would repeat that the larger the proposed measure the better. Above all things, he would say, with his noble Friend"no sliding scale." The sliding scale was a principle 1 of protection, and the principle of protection was the principle of exclusion, and exclusion was inconsistent with the commercial prosperity of this country. Their Lordships must at once make up their minds they must not oscillate between protection and non-protection. They must not hesitate-if they did, they would be only patching and darning the wretched rag of a garment in a mannner that would only render it more miserable and noxious. He presumed they would at no distant period be informed what the measure was to be. He trusted it would be large and efficient, and not framed upon the principle of protection. If it were framed upon such a principle it would fail in accomplishing the objects in view-the lowering the price of the first necessary of life, and encouraging a constant commercial intercourse between this country and those who had no other commodity to interchange with us but the raw produce of their own soil. The Duke of Wellington: My Lords, I wish to be permitted to say only a few words as to what the noble Earl seems to consider my want of consistency in having agreed to the paragraph relating to the Corn laws in her Majesty's Speech from the Throne, after having voted against his motion upon the same subject in a former Session of Parliament. I beg, my Lords, to decline saying a single word, or adverting to a single topic which might have the effect of suspending for a moment the good temper which so happily prevails in your Lordships' House on the present occasion. I beg leave, my Lords, not to enter into any detail at present on the measure which is intended to be submitted to the other House of Parliament by her That measure will Majesty's servants. come in time before your Lordships, when those who concur in bringing it forward will be able, I doubt not, to show that they have acted consistently, and will be able to give us reason as well for the retirement from office of the noble Duke to my right as for the acception of office by my noble Friend on my left. I think, on all these points, they will be enabled to give entire satisfaction to your Lordships and to the country. I do not think that I ought to say more to this House now, and, at least, I am sure that I cannot say more with any advantage to what seems to be the object of your Lordships, which is, that we should depart from this debate without acrimony of feeling, and with perfect unanimity. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Thurday, February 3, 1842. MINUTES.] New Writs were issued for West Cornwall, Lord Boscawen Rose having become Earl of Falmouth. Vice-Chancellor. For Leominster, James Wigram, Esq. having been made a citor-General for Ireland. For Dublin University, right hon. T. Lefroy appointed accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. For Liverpool, William Cresswell Cresswell, appointed a For Taunton, E. T. Bainbridge, Esq. having accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. The Duke of Buckingham said he should satisfy, as far as possible, the curiosity of the noble Earl opposite. The noble Lords on the other side were aware of the opinions which he had ever expressed on the subject of the Corn-laws. Those opinions still remained the same, and totally unchanged. He had the misfortune to differ For King's Lynn, right hon. Sir Stratford Canning having with the Cabinet on the measure which they had thought it their duty to bring forward in Parliament, and he had immediately felt it to be his duty to retire from the office he had held. By this conduct he had not forfeited the opinion he held from the country. Since he had the ho nour of holding a seat in the Cabinet he had not the misfortune of differing on any other point-and the Government might be assured that, although he differed from them on the details of this measure, and that he was determined to give his opposition to it, they should have on all other subjects his sincere and honest support, Address agreed to. ADDRESS TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS PRINCE ALBERT.] Lord Wharncliffe proposed the following Address of Congratulation to Prince Albert on the birth of the Prince of Wales. "That a Message be sent from this House to His Royal Highness Prince Albert of Saxe Cobourg and Gotha, to congratulate His Royal Highness on Her Majesty's happy Delivery, and the Birth of The Prince of Wales; to assure His Royal Highness of the sincere Part this House takes in an Event which so nearly interests the domestic Happiness of His Royal Highness, and to express the Satisfaction with which we see this Pledge that the Civil and Religious Liberties of this Country will be perpetuated under a Race of Princes descended from his Royal Highness." Agreed to, nemine dissentiente, and the Marquess of Exeter, and the Lord Colville of Culross were ordered to carry the said Message. CHAIRMAN OF COMMITTEES.] The Duke of Wellington moved that the Earl of Shaftesbury be appointed to the office of chairman of committees. The Lord Chancellor, in seconding the nomination, observed that he could not do so without bearing his testimony to the valuable services which the noble Earl had rendered to the House on former occasions. Agreed to.-Adjourned. For Clackmannan, and Kinross, hon. J. R. Abercromby having accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. Complaining of undue Elections at CORN-LAWS.] Sir Robert Peel,-Mr. Speaker, I wish now to give notice, that on Wednesday next I shall move, that this House resolve itself into a committee of the whole House for the purpose of considering the laws which affect the import of foreign corn. I would have named an earlier day, even Monday, but there are some papers which the House ought to be first put in possession of, and which hon. Members should have an opportunity of considering more maturely than they could have if the motion were fixed for so early a day as Monday. I believe, that in giving this early notice, I shall not interfere with the views of any Gentlemen who might be entitled to address the House, and as I apprehend that there will be no Order of the Day, I should be unwilling to postpone my motion till Friday; but I think that Gentleman who may be disposed to insist on his right, will, on further consideration, not demand a preference on Wednesday, but that considering that it is the first Wednesday of the Session, and that there is no Order of the Day, he will waive his right to suit the views of her Majesty's Government. any the birth of the Prince of Wales. If any thing could have added to that feeling of joy, so universally expressed, it would be, Sir, the gratification, which we all must feel, that the christening of the youthful Prince was celebrated under the auspices of a Monarch who is eminently distinguished as a patron of the arts and sciences, and a firm and zealous supporter of the Protestant faith. I am sure, Sir, that every Member of this House, will, with one accord, offer their humble and heartfelt congratulations to Her Majesty and her Royal Consort, on an event, with which Her Majesty's happiness, and that of her people, is so closely and intimately connected. Sir, I have now shortly to allude to some of the other topics which are contained in the Speech; and foremost among them I must refer to the friendly feelings which exist between foreign powers and this country, holding out as it does, the prospect, that one of the greatest of all blessings, Peace, may long be maintained. It is impossible not to feel grateful, Sir, to every Administration, which has done its utmost to put an end to Slavery and to the Slave-trade, and I trust, that the Treaty, which it appears is now pending, may lead to the total abolition of a traffic, which is abhorrent to human nature, and annihilate so unhallowed a system. We are unfortunately still engaged in hostilities with the Chinese Empire, but which war could not be avoided without compromising our national honour, and I turn with pride and satisfaction to the success which has attended her Majesty's arms in that part of the globe, where great victories have been obtained with but small sacrifice of human life, owing to the judgment and skill of our officers, and the bravery and good discipline of our sailors and of our soldiers. The allusion in the Speech, Sir, to the distress which unfortunately prevails in some parts of the country, and the knowledge of the truth of it, cannot fail to excite in every man's mind the deepest feelings of commiseration, and an earnest desire, if possible, to ameliorate the condition of those of our fellow subjects, whose sufferings under these trying and painful circumstances, have proved themselves loyal to their Sovereign, and obedient to the laws of this country. With respect to finance, I believe, Sir, it is the opinion of the great majority of the people in this country, that the attention of this House, should with the least possible delay, be directed to this most important subject; that it will no longer do to permit our expenditure to exceed our income; indeed, I fear, after the efforts of former Administrations and successive Parliaments, we cannot hope still further much to retrench our expenditure, but, that if we desire to maintain our Indian possessions, to protect our Colonies, and our commerce. We cannot reduce much, if at all, the estimates for the navy and for the army. With respect to the former, although, perhaps, the number of ships in commission may hereafter be diminished, yet it would appear most desirable that the men of war should never leave the ports of England without being sufficiently manned, so as to be ready at all times to perform any and every service which may be required. With respect to the army, sir, I do feel that it is of the greatest importance that the numbers of that force should be sufficient to enable the commander-in-chief to relieve frequently the regiments stationed in India and the West Indies. I believe, Sir, it is true economy to do so-for I am satisfied after the experience we have had, that such a system of relief tends much to promote the health of our troops, and prevent the sickness and mortality we have had so often cause to deplore. Sir, it appears to me, then, that we ought to meet our difficulties openly and manfully, and recommend new taxes, taking care, however, that these burthens should press as lightly as possible on the poorer classes of society. With respect to the Corn-laws, I much prefer that the difficult and delicate task of revising them should be undertaken by an Administration who have declared themselves favourable to the agricultural interest, than by those who proposed an eight shilling fixed duty, and many of whose supporters declared themselves against any protection whatever. The landed interest does not seek any greater protection than that which is sufficient to enable them, burthened as they are by general and local taxation, to compete with the foreign grower. I hope, Sir, that this question may be discussed in this House with calmness and moderation, avoiding every thing likely to array one class of society against another, not forgetting that the home market is of great importance to the manufacturer on the one hand, and that on the other, the manufacturing population, are great con |