upon an application for a mandamus. This measure had met with the approbation of the profession. The Court of Queen's Bench allowed of a writ of error in many cases, but not in all. There was no reason for this, and why should it not be altered? The bill allowed the writ in all cases. Leave given. SUPPLY.] The House in a Committee of Supply. Sir George Clerk moved that a supply be granted to her Majesty. numerous. attention was particularly directed; and, after the house had heard the speech, and adopted an address which was an echo of the speech, no man in the House considered that either he or the Government was pledged to any one thing by the course of proceeding that had been adopted. He did not say, that the existing Government had behaved worse than the preceding Government, but those who constituted the present Government were free enough in their condemnation of the late Government; and yet when they themselves got into power, they adopted the very precedent established before. He wanted to see improvement; he desired to see some change; he desired some alteration which should be useful to the public, and not to go on, year after year, making the Speech from the Throne a thing to be laughed at, instead of a state document to be respected and admired by the community at large. This Session, there had been reasons for reserve. The right hon. Baronet, the First Lord of the Treasury, had said, that he should make an exposition of his views at a certain time, and that time he had named; but he understood, last Session, that the right hon. Gentleman was going to take a careful review of the circumstances of the country, and that the House having been prorogued for five months, on the meeting of Parliament, they should be made acquainted at once with the series of measures which he considered should be introduced for the public good. To-morrow night they were to have the first of these propositions; but he had yet to learn when they were to receive the last. He regarded the Factory Question and the Poor-law Question as two ofthe most important questions, as two questions which would, in the highest degree, affect the character and stability of the nation; and, in fact, the conduct of the executive Government upon these questions, and upon others which were well known, would determine what must be the issue of the political contests in which of late years they had been engaged. He regard Mr. Wakley said, that he took that opportunity of entering his protest-his solemn protest against the mode in which the Queen's Speech had been framed this year, and for some years past. He would not detain the House long, but he thought that the manner in which the Speech was framed, was unbecoming the character of this House, and was unsuited to the power, dignity, and interest of the country. Every Session of Parliament had brought with it some excuse for adopting the mode of the preceding Session; and, since he had been in the House, excuses had been sufficiently On one occasion, he remembered it was stated to be highly desirous that the House should be unanimous on a young and beauteous Queen having come to the Throne; that was considered an occasion on which there should be no disunion, no difference of opinion-unanimity was the order of the day. Her Majesty's marriage was another happy occasion, when nothing was so pleasing to the House as unanimity. Then there were the results: first, there was a Princess, and now we had a Prince. The House was to express gratitude and joy on these occasions, which were perfectly in unison, he was well aware, with the feelings of the House and of the country. But on occasions of this sort, when the Commons of England were assembled to promote the public interests, he did think it was fitting, he thought it was becoming the duties they had to discharge, that some exposition in the Speech from the Throne should be made to this House which was calcu-ed the aristocracy of England at this molated to attract attention throughout the world, and command for this House the respect and admiration of the enlightened portion of the universe. Instead of that, however, the speech, year after year, had been made up of a tissue, or net-work, of idle generalities. They could not put their finger upon any part of it to which their VOL. LX. {i} Third ment as on its trial; and he (Mr. Wakley), as a radical reformer, knew full well that when the constitution of England was changed by the enactment of the Reform Bill, it was utterly impossible that those who sought a more extensive measure of reform could complete their case until the other branch of the aristocracy, the branch H then out of power, obtained the reins of office, and showed to the public what they would do for the relief of the public grievances. The most wealthy portion, the most influential portion, and, at present, the most respected portion of the aristocracy, were on their trial; they had the power to carry any measure for the public good; they wanted but the will to do so. He knew not whether that will existed. If the will did exist, there was the power in this and the other House of Parliament to accomplish the object. Henceforth there could be no delusion, no deception, no trickery, no intrigue, that would induce the public to be blind with reference to the real merits of the question. The aristocracy had the power, the wealth of England had the power, to pass any measure which might be deemed advisable to enact for the public benefit and advantage. Now, he had hoped that the party with which he had been connected would have been enabled at an early period of this Session to take one step in advance towards the accomplishment of their objects; because, after all, every publie man desired to see his principles triumphant, to behold them in the ascendant. It was natural that the human mind should so aspire; but under the present mode of proceeding, as a medical man, he hardly knew what was to be done with the patient. The doctor said he could not prescribe unless he got his fee-he regretted the right hon. Gentleman was not now present -but this was a new mode of practice. It used to be the practice in former times, when a man consulted a physician, to say "This is the system I wish you to pursue;" and it was not the practice to say, "I will attend to your stomach next April, and your extremities afterwards;" but "I will show you the course to be pursued for the constitution generally, for the benefit of the entire system." Now, however, we were to have the remedies in fragments; he did not know when they were to receive the last of them; and therefore it was that on the motion for a committee of supply, in conformity with the recommendations of the Speech, be complained of that Speech as a political anomaly, a vapid, senseless, useless production. He said it was utterly unbecoming of this House, it was unworthy of the Parliament of this kingdom, and it was not calculated to increase in the public mind that respect which it was desirable the people should feel for the Houses of Parliament. He very much regretted that several Members of the other side of the House were not present, or he should certainly have extended his remarks; but he did now enter his protest solemnly and seriously against this mode of proceeding; and whatever might be the pretence, whatever might be put forward another year as a recommendation for unanimity, if the document should be the same as it was now, so full of emptiness, he, for one, would move an amendment, exhibiting, he trusted, a better statement with regard to the public interests; and he most certainly would divide the House on the question, for it was not right that, year after year, the House should be cozened into the adoption of a Speech of this kind, and leave the interests of the country untouched and wholly unsatisfied. Sir G. Clerk said, though he did not dispute the right of the hon. Member for Finsbury to enter into any subjects connected with any grievances he wished to bring before the notice of the House, yet he thought his criticism on the speech lately delivered from the Throne, and on royal speeches in general, was extremely ill-timed, because the proper moment to have pointed out these generalties of which the hon. Member complained, or the more serious objection of grave omissions in that speech, was last Thursday evening, when the subject was under the consideration of the House. The noble Lord, the Member for the City of London, was perfectly willing that there should be entire unanimity on that occasion, and he was surprised that the hon. Member was so willing to defer to that noble Lord as not to take that opportunity of stating his objections. It was not on all occasions however, that the House was unanimous on speeches delivered from the Throne; and he thought the hon. Member would recollect that in the month of August last there was one exception to the rule. The hon. Member might if he pleased, frame an address to serve as a model which he might recommend for adoption when he became the principal adviser of the Crown. Though the hon. Gentleman had a right to bring the matter before the attention of the House, he should have preferred his doing so when the Ministers of the Crown, who framed the speech, were in their places, and would have been able to justify it. was any one thing which more than another had met with the concurrence of the House, it was the suggestion of his right hon. Friend (Sir R. Peel) that they should apply themselves to one of these subjects only at a time, and that they should not direct their attention to an immense number of bills at once, a course of proceeding which prevented hon. Mem questions from knowing when it might be the intention of the Government to bring forward particular measures. Under such a system it was impossible to discuss those matters with the attention which they deserved. He again asked whether his right hon. Friend's course was not the best which could be adopted? He would say that, looking to the experience of the former Sessions, the course which his right hon. Friend had chalked out was one which was much more likely to be attended with benefit to the country than if he brought in at the same moment all the important measures which it was necessary to introduce. The hon. Member for Finsbury asked what was the amount of the supply to be granted on this occasion. Now this was a matter of form on the present occasion. It was not necessary in the present stage of the proceedings to do more than move that a supply be granted to her Majesty. He hoped, therefore, that this motion would be agreed to without opposition. He did not know what was the nature of the speech the hon. Gentleman would have delivered from the Throne; he always understood the chief object of the speech was to state the principal matters upon which advice was required, and to point out to the House those which were the most important. He did not know that any complaint had been made of an omission of the more prominent and im-bers who might be interested in various portant questions likely to engage the attention of Parliament in this Session, in the speech recently delivered. He had heard but one remark as to omission (and the reason of that had been explained by the right hon. Baronet the Home Secretary)—namely, that no notice had been taken of the bill for a renewal of the Poor-law; the right hon. Baronet stated that that was a question under the consideration of the House in the last Session, and it having been then agreed to continue the measure for a few months only, it was perfectly unnecessary to call the attention of Parliament to that which, as a matter of course, must come under their notice. The hon. Member had observed that the right hon. Baronet the First Lord of the Treasury had said, before the prorogation of Parliament, that as soon as Parliament re-assembled he would introduce measures as to the distress of the country. He thought that his right hon. Friend had redeemed the pledge which he had made to the House; for he had taken the first opportunity of giving Mr. Wakley said, he should certainly notice of his intention of entering into not oppose the motion. He had been in one of those subjects which had excited the House every evening-he had heard the last degree of curiosity on the part of much that had gratified, and much that the public, and he had told them that as had given him pain-for he had never exsoon as the forms of the House would pected to be always pleased, and if he had permit it; he would avail himself of the he would have been much disappointed, opportunity to be afforded him by the and therefore he complained no more of Committee of Ways and Means to move the present Administration than he did of a substantive motion on the finances of their predecessors, in reference to the the country, and at the same time to de- Queen's Speech from the Throne. He velope his views of the financial state of complained that they had for many years the country, and to state what were the pursued a course which was always injuintentions of her Majesty's Government.rious, and one which the country was disHe would ask how it was possible for a Minister of the Crown to have taken an earlier opportunity of intimating the course which he intended to pursue with reference to these questions? The hon. Gentleman, the Member for Finsbury, indeed, might say, that his right hon. Friend had left out of consideration the state of the factories and of the New Poor-law. Now he must say that if there posed and had reason to deplore. He admitted that the right hon. Baronet (Sir Robert Peel) had come forward as quickly as possible with various statements which he had laid before the House; but, at the same time, he must take this opportunity of expressing his regret, that the Poor-law Commission Continuance Bill would not be brought forward until after Easter. He thought that the public would not be satis Report to be re House resumed. Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, MINUTES.] New Member. Sir Howard Douglas, for Li- verpool. Members appointed to serve by Mr. Speaker's warrant on the General Committee of Elections:-Lord Granville Somerset, Sir George Grey, Viscount Sandon, J. Loch, Esq., J. W. Patten, Esq., and Sir William Somerville. Bills. 10. Railways; Loan Societies Acts Continuance. Petitions presented. By Mr. Prothero, Mr. G. Wood, Mr. Houldsworth, Mr. Brotherton, Mr. Hindley, Mr. Divett, Sir J. Easthope, Mr. Hutt, and a great number of other hon. Members, from a vast number of places, for the Total Repeal of the Corn-laws; and from Sunderland, against Repeal.-By Mr. Lowther, from Whitby, Huddersfield, and York, for a duty on Confectionary imported from the Channel Islands.-By Mr. Hutt, from Hull, for a Revision of the Import Duties.-By an hon. Member, from Dungannon, for a Revision of the Marriage Law (Ireland).-By Mr. Villiers, from the Guardians of the Poor of West Bromwich, for measures to promote Employment.-From Debtors in Queen's Bench, for Amendment of Law of Debtor and Creditor. fied with this; he thought that the hon. Mr. Ferrand said, that without differing from the hon. Member for Finsbury on the question of the Poor-law, he did not regret that the measure would not be introduced until after Easter, as it would enable the people of this country to express their opinions; and he sincerely trusted the people would lay their constitutional opinions before the country. He would say, that he was thoroughly convinced that the right hon. Baronet would be ultimately satisfied that the Poor-law Commissioners could not so abrogate the constitutional law of the land as they had done, but that they must yield to the force of public opinion. MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS (IRELAND).] Mr. Powell renewed his question to the noble Lord, the Secretary for Ireland, whether the Government intended to introduce a bill to remedy the defects of the Irish Municipal Act? For he knew that there were many practical difficulties in that act. Lord Eliot replied, that the proper course was to apply first to the courts of law, and then if it were found that they had no power to apply a remedy, Parliament might be referred to. Sir D. Roche begged to tell the noble Lord that this decision was throwing the town he represented into the trouble of going to law for a dozen years before the question could be settled. MR. ELTON'S CASE.] Mr. Curteis said, that although he had given notice of his intention to ask a question relative to the case of Mr. Elton, he thought that he should be exercising a sound discretion by not putting that question; and he would only add that he hoped that the conciliatory manner in which he had treated this matter would meet with a corresponding spirit on the part of hon. Gentlemen in power. An Hon. Member did not think that this question should be allowed to be disposed of, or to sleep without some further explanation. It had gone forth to the world that injustice had been done. hon. Gentleman to sit down.] Sir George Cockburn said, that he was prepared to give every explanation which the House might require, but as the hon. Member opposite (Mr. Curteis) had thought that it would be the exercise of a wise and sound discretion not to put the question of which he had given notice, and as he himself agreed that the hon. Gentleman had acted wisely in adopting that course, he should, unless it should be the pleasure of the House, decline saying anything in reference to the case. Subject at an end. [Loud cries of "Order" compelled the | admissions which will be seized on by those who entertain opposite opinions; but I feel that the best course I can pursue is to submit to the House the considerations which influenced the judgment and decision of her Majesty's Government, and to leave them to be decided on by the reason, moderation, and judgment of Parliament. I am confident that the course which her Majesty's Government have pursued in bringing forward this measure, whatever may be the differences of opinion as to its nature-I am confident that that course at least will meet with general approbation. If her Majesty's Government deemed it right to submit a measure of CORN LAWS-MINISTERIAL PLAN.] this character to the consideration of ParSir R. Peel rose, and moved that the pa-liament, it was due to the importance of ragraph in her Majesty's Speech relating to the Corn Laws be read. The motion being agreed to, The Clerk at the Table read the following paragraph in the Speech from the Throne:"I recommend also to your consideration the state of the laws which affect the import of corn, and of other articles, the produce of foreign countries." Sir R. Peel next moved, that the House resolve itself into a Committee to consider the laws relating to the import of corn. The House accordingly resolved into Committee, and Mr. Greene, the chairman of committees, having taken the chair, Sir R. Peel again rose, and spoke as follows:-Sir, I rise in pursuance of the notice which I have given, to submit to the Ilouse the views of her Majesty's Government with respect to the modification and amendment of those laws which regulate the import of foreign corn. I should consider it a reflection on this House were I to prefer any claim on its patience and indulgence. Whatever demands I might have to prefer, and however unqualified I may be to relieve a subject necessarily one of detail, necessarily abstruse, by any illustrations of fancy, yet I am convinced that the paramount importance of the subject itself will induce the House to lend me that patient attention for which, under other circumstances, I might have deemed it necessary to appeal to its indulgence. I am aware of the difficulties which encompass the subject I am about to bring under the consideration of the House. With regard to a matter in respect to which such adverse opinions prevail, it is difficult to discuss it without making statements or the subject that the attention of Parliament should be called to it in the Speech from the Throne. It was due also to the importance of the subject that her Majesty's Government should undertake, on their own responsibility, to propose a measure for the adjustment of this question, and that no interval which could be avoided should be allowed to elapse between the recommendation contained in the Speech from the Throne, for consideration of the subject by Parliament, and the proposal of the measure itself. The only object which I shall aim at, in bringing this subject under the consideration of the House, will be to state as clearly and as intelligibly as I can the considerations which have influenced her Majesty's Go vernment in reference to the nature of the measure I am about to propose. One other object I shall aim at-namely, to discuss this question, affecting such mighty interests, in a temper and spirit conformable with its great importance, bearing in mind how easy it is, on each side, to raise exaggerated apprehensions, and find inflammatory topics by which the feelings of the people may be excited. Her Majesty's Government have deemed it their duty to consider the Corn-laws with a view to their modification and amendment. They undertake the consideration of this question at a period when there is commercial distress, and when there exist great suffering and privations connected with that distress. But I feel it my duty, in the first place, to declare that, after having given to this subject the fullest consideration in my power, I cannot recommend the proposal which I have to make by exciting a hope that it |