of flour from the United States, he was of opinion that the consequence would be the formation, in Canada, of a body favourable to free trade, which did not exist there at present, and which it might be found very difficult to meet with, encounter, and overcome. He knew that it might be said that flour so imported into Canada might come to this country, but he saw no great evil in that. On the other hand he thought that if the Canadian Legislature were to impose duties, it was probable that they would not find them effectual, because the province was so large that it would be very difficult to distinguish Canadian flour from that of the United States. What the right hon. Gentleman had stated on this point seemed to him as the right hon. Gentle man had stated it, to tend to establish a monopoly, which he should be very sorry to see established, and he hoped, therefore, that it would be maturely weighed before proceeding further. With respect to other parts of the measure, he was very glad to see that the objections which had been made last year by the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Goulburn), the present Chancellor of the Exchequer, to this measure, as proposed by the late Government, and which he urged so forcibly and with so much effect, had been removed. Sir C. Douglas objected to the statement made by the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Labouchere), that hon. Members of Conservative opinions were now supporting a measure which they last year opposed. To prove that such was not the case, he begged to read the following passage from a speech delivered by Mr. Herries, on the 5th of April, 1841, in the Committee on Mr. Labouchere's resolutions, modifying the colonial duties: "There was no individual on either side desirous to keep up a rate of duty in any case for the sake of protection beyond what was indispensably necessary; and the object of all parties was to reduce protection to the lowest point. If the right hon. Gentleman proceeded upon that principle (and he trusted he would) he might be assured of receiving as hearty support from that (the opposition) side of the House as from the other, as nothing could be more in conformity with the opinion of those who trod in the steps of Mr. Huskisson." This being the avowal which had been made on the part of his hon. Friends when in opposition, he did not think it came well from the noble Lord that he should taunt them, as he had done, for adopting the measure of the late Ministry. Sir R. Peel entreated the House not to adopt any inference as to the future course of her Majesty's Government in consequence of the introduction of the present measure, but that it would wait until he should have an opportunity of explaining fully the intentions and propositions of the Government. He stated publicly in his place last year that notwithstanding the differences which existed between those who sat on the side of the House from which he spoke and her Majesty's then Government as to questions of commercial policy, he should give the measure introduced by the right hon. Member for Taunton his cordial support. The right hon. Gentleman, on the introduction of his bill, said, that he brought it forward as a claim of justice to the colonies, and for the protection of the commercial interests of the West Indies. He stated that there was no correspondent claim on the part of the East Indies; for, while they had admitted the produce of the East Indies to compete with that of the West Indies, they had not removed the peculiar burdens which pressed on the latter colonies; he therefore asked the House to put them on the same footing. The claim of the right hon. Gentleman was, that the measure should pass solely as one of justice, and independent of all other considerations; and he (Sir R. Peel) supported it on that ground, and should have continued to support it, if the right hon. Gentleman had proceeded with his bill on the simple grounds of its justice and its abstract merits. He trusted that the House would not attempt to draw inferences with respect to the other portions of the commercial policy of the Government from this measure, but that it would wait until the other measures were brought forward. He should to-morrow introduce one of the most important of them, and he would take the earliest opportunity of pursuing the same course with respect to others. He trusted that the harmony which had hitherto prevailed with respect to this subject would not be disturbed. He would only add, that he did not think that the noble Lord would taunt him with adopting all his views and measures when he had heard his propositions to relieve the country from the great financial embarrassments under which it now laboured. Mr. Stuart Wortley wished that some further information should be furnished to the House with respect to the importation of corn and flour from the United States into Canada. He understood that at present there was a duty of twenty-five per cent. levied in the United States on the importation of foreign corn, but there was no duty whatever on the importation of corn from the United States into Canada. At present this country, with the view of benefitting our colonies, admitted corn from thence at a duty of 5s. the quarter; but, by the present anomalous state of the law, the country gave the advantage of this privilege to the United States. He thought, therefore, that if ever there was a fair case for reciprocal restriction, this was it. As he understood the right hon. Gentleman, his proposition was to propose a duty of three shillings a quarter on corn and two shillings a barrel on flour introduced into Canada from the United States. He thought that this duty should be higher. He did not wish to increase the duty to an unnecessary extent, but they ought to take care that the object was fulfilled of putting an end to an illicit trade. generally admitted, that there had been a great improvement in the management of railroads. [Col. Sibthorp: Hear.] Probably his gallant Friend entertained a different opinion, and, no doubt, the House would hear the gallant Member endeavour to show that matters had been growing worse and worse, but he entertained a widely different opinion. He therefore did not intend to propose to place any general powers in the hands of the Government as respected railroads. Last year an important suggestion was made by an hon. Gentleman opposite, with the view to the prevention of accidents on railroads namely, it should be necessary that all engine drivers on railroads should be licensed. The opinion of the committee, however, was rather against this proposition; Board of Trade, after the most mature deand such was also the opinion of the present liberation, who conceived that greater care and security would be produced by the operation of public opinion on the directors found to be insufficient for the public safety, of the several railroads. If this should be interfere, and pass such enactments as then it would be the duty of Parliament to might be deemed necessary. It appeared also to be the opinion of the committee that if the Government gave licences to the The Chairman to report progress. The House resumed. Committee to sit engine drivers, it would lessen the responagain. RAILROADS.] Mr. Gladstone rose to ask leave to bring in a bill for the better regulation of Railroads. About twelve months ago the late Government proposed to the House to sanction a measure which gave a very large amount of discretionary power in the management of railroads to the Government. This was deemed necessary for the safety of the public in the minds of many persons, in consequence of the numerous accidents which occurred in the course of the autumn of 1840 on several railroads. The bill, after having been submitted to the House, was referred to a committee up stairs, and it was the opinion of that committee, after mature deliberation, that, on the whole, the power hitherto entrusted to the Board of Trade had worked well; and that, as long as this continued to be the case, it was advisable not to place in the hands of the executive Government a control over the management of railroads. The proceedings since last year had shown that the committee was right in the opinion which it had formed, for he thought that it would be sibility of the directors of railroads, and would not ensure the public against misconduct or neglect on the part of the engine drivers. The question also was, whether the character and conduct of engine drivers had improved or not. He thought that the diminution in the number of accidents last year on railroads showed a great improvement in the conduct of the engine drivers. There would be a report laid on the table of the House in the course of a few days, drawn up by the officers of the Board of Trade belonging to the railroad department, and which would show that very few of the serious accidents which had occurred last year on railroads were traceable or attributable to the misconduct of engine drivers, or to the want of caution. He thought, therefore, when it appeared that a great improvement had already taken place in this particular, and also that it was probable that greater improvement would occur with additional experience on the part of the engine drivers, that it would be better not to interfere, although it would be the duty of the Government to take the sense of the House upon the subject and to act accordingly. He repeated, then, that in consequence of road, but across the railroad; but experithe improved character of the proceedings ence had proved, that this was not the best of last year in this respect, he did not in-course; he, therefore, proposed a clause tend to propose any alteration at pre- which would lead to the opposite practice. sent. The bill which he intended to pro- Another clause would require occupationpose contained provisions which tended gates on railways to be kept locked. There somewhat to enlarge the powers of the were a vast number of these gates on every Board of Trade, but only on specific line, and it was out of the question, that points where experience showed that they the railway companies could watch all these were called for. He would proceed to gates. Great inconvenience and some acdescribe to the House the most im- cidents arose from their being left open, portant clauses in the bill. The first and cattle getting on the line. He thought, was a clause for the more effectual in- therefore, they ought to be required to spection of railroads previous to their be kept locked. He would ask, in anoopening, and to give powers to the Board ther clause, for power to require disof Trade, to postpone the opening of putes to be settled by arbitration. Cases a railroad, in case of the proper officers not of disputes, as with regard to crossings on being satisfied of its security. In most the level, matters of extreme importance, cases there was little difficulty in this were frequently arising between railway respect, for the directors of most of the companies and road trustees, where they railroads readily attended to the opin- could not agree on the conditions of the ions of the surveying officers. If his crossing, or whether a road was to be carhon. and gallant Friend would attend ried under or over the railway. It was to this part of the subject, he would obviously exceedingly inexpedient, that befind, that all the blame of the accidents cause parties chose to stickle upon some that had occurred was not to be attributed minor conditions, the safety of the public to the railroad companies, for in most should be exposed to serious damage. He cases the directors most readily listened to should, therefore, ask for power to require the suggestions and advice of their sur- arbitration in such cases; and, if necessary, veyors. One of the chief dangers attend- an umpire to be appointed to ensure a speedy ing the traffic on new railroads arose from decision. He should propose the adoption the unsettled condition of the soil, and a of a similar principle with respect to branch disposition on the part of railway com- communications. A right had been given panies to open their lines before the ground in certain cases, under railway acts, to inwas in a proper state to allow of that troduce branch communications, in order being done with safety: it was therefore to secure to individuals the use of the way. his intention to propose, that the Board This power, he believed, had not been used of Trade should be authorised to postpone to any material extent. It was clear, that the opening of railroads when they saw oc- if it had been, it would lead to a frightful casion. He intended to propose also to multiplication of accidents, and it was deenlarge the power of the Board of Trade sirable, that it should be under control; as to returns in cases of accident on the he should ask the House to give the Gorailroads. At present such returns were vernment power to increase such control. required only when injury to life or limb He should also ask for some power with had occurred, but it was obvious that great reference to the right of private parties to negligence might be practised, without use locomotive engines on railways. Stipucausing such an injury: his object, there- lations of this sort had been introduced into fore, was to adopt measures which would railway acts antecedently to experience; but ensure the obtaining information respect experience showed, that they required to ing such cases, and he intended to pro- be placed under control. There were cerpose, that it should be incumbent on tain other clauses, by which he proposed the directors of railroads, to make a re- to give to railway companies powers of a turn of all accidents that occurred, whe- compulsory nature, which they did not ther formidable or not in their nature. now enjoy. There was one in reference to He also intended to propose, that in cases the public safety. It happened, in certain where roads crossed the railroad on the instances, that cuttings were found too line, the gates should be closed across the steep, and embankments too narrow for roads, and not across the railroads. In security, either ordinarily or from bad most of the railway acts it was directed, weather. In such cases, the companies that the gates should be not across the should be empowered to take land enough to widen the embankment, and diminish the slope sufficiently to make it secure. In doing so, it was not right, that they should be impeded in the accomplishment of their object; he meant, that in such cases the rights of property should be subjected to modification, if it was clearly made out, that the taking of certain lands was necessary for the public safety. There were some other clauses to make provision for certain cases of misconduct on railways, but without further detail he should now move for leave to bring in the bill. port the families of those who were killed. He was also of opinion that the losses sustained by the proprietors of stage-coaches should be made a subject of consideration by her Majesty's Ministers. He thought that railroads were a proper subject taxation; they would produce a revenue to the Government, and would not affect the body of the people. He had been conscientiously opposed to the introduction of all railroads, but with regard to this bill, it certainly did not seem to him to be adequate to the protection of the people. It was due to the public at large, and to individuals, that life and property should be protected, and he should take the opportunity of opposing certain parts of this bill at every stage. Colonel Sibthorp was glad the hon. Gentleman had adopted the course which he formerly had the pleasure of suggesting, and that it was placed in such able hands. He was actuated by but one motive in that opposition which he had always given to Mr. Wakley felt bound to express his the introduction of railway schemes, and if belief that this bill as at present construcaccidents increased, as they had done lat- ted would not carry out the object the terly, he could have wished that his hon. right hon. Gentleman had in view. He Friend had introduced a bill for the anni- was decidedly impressed with the opinion hilation of railways. But when the hon. that a far more stringent measure was neGentleman told them, with regard to the measures which he proposed for the consi- his fear that the influence of the processary, but he felt also compelled to state deration of the House, that great discreprietors of railways in that House was far tionary powers were to be given to the too great to allow of any hope that such a Government, it appeared to him that little bill could at present pass. By and by, public good would result from it in re- when three or four lords had lost their gard to the lamentable accidents and loss of life which had of late occurred; and if lives, or perhaps some members of the Government, the House would strongly the hon. Gentleman should not do so, he would take the liberty of moving for a return efficient remedy would be provided for the sympathize with the subject, and some of those accidents, and of the opinions of the prevention of accidents in future; but, juries on the various cases. He thought, too, that sufficient had fallen from the until some such event occurred, he was public press on this subject, and he alluded convinced that the House would not pass in particular to one paper, from which he the kind of law which the circumstances differed in political matters-he alluded to of the case demanded. One hon. MemThe Sun, the comments of which on the ber opposite had himself had his life in unfortunate accidents which occurred, were jeopardy, and he would probably give the of the most salutary kind, and whose efforts House an account of the circumstances in urging that some efficient measure should attending the accident on the Brighton be adopted to prevent them, conferred great line. Some of the cases that had occurred credit on itself. He thought that most of having come officially under his notice, he those accidents occurred from want of due had had the fullest opportunity of invesprecaution on the part of the directors, and tigating the facts and comparing the evihe would be glad that a measure was dence, and he had come to this conclusion brought forward for settling a greater re--that railway travelling, if it were under sponsibility on them. He thought it was necessary that such a course of inspection as was mentioned should be adopted, not only with regard to new railways, but regarding all railways. He thought that imposing a mere deodand, even of 1000l., was not a sufficient recompense to the relatives of the sufferers. The directors of those schemes should be compelled to sup proper regulation, would be the safest in know which they meant to stick to. It was not long since he had heard the Whig measures described as the most vicious and most rascally that had ever been exhibited to an intelligent assembly; they had been denounced in that House and in the country. But now, when questions were put to the Government from that (the Opposition) side on their measures, the answer was "Oh! I found a bill in my office" (a sort of legacy of the noble lord), "and, with slight modifications, I intend to introduce it the first opportunity." That had been done with regard to the all-important question of the factories, and also with regard to the poor-law, though that was not to come on till after Easter-a circumstance which, as the commission expired in July, appeared rather strange. He did not like these tactics. To-night, another bill had been proposed by the right hon, mover of the present measure, for the regulation of the customs of the West-India Islands, and there had been no end to the compliments he paid to the late President of the Board of Trade. He had not heard those compliments paid formerly. paid formerly. But it was astonishing how well those who had obtained the victory could afford to be complimentary. This bill was inefficient last year, and he had felt so: it was equally inefficient now. A stringent hand must be applied to the railway proprietors. The director and chairman of one of the great companies was now in the House, and it might be that he had some influence in the right quarter. It happened to him the day before Christmas-day to be on the Great Western Railway, a few hours after the accident that happened at Sonning-hill. He was in the third train. It would be useless for him to describe the feelings of the people, nor need he advert to the distressing, painful, agonizing character of the accident-not less distressing because he knew that every person on the spot concurred in thinking that, had the commonest precaution been used, such an accident could not have occurred. Would it be believed, that on that night, in the darkness, there was no watchman at the cutting at Sonning-hill? He made this statement upon the allegation of persons who were on the spot. And on the statement of the secretary of the company when examined on the inquest. The evidence of the policeman was that it was his duty to be there in time for the train which leaves London at six. But there was another train a "luggage" trainwhich left London at half-past four. It was that containing the trucks that held the unfortunate men whose lives were lost. That train was at the place before the watchman arrived, for it was not a part of his duty to be there till day-light. Was this a system that ought to be sanetioned? Railways were a great national undertaking, conducive to commercial advancement, and adding greatly to the convenience of the public; and those who thought they ought to be placed under proper regulations should not object to have a regulating power placed in proper hands. They should not be the parties interested in railways; there ought to be a power above them, and that power ought to be the Government. Then, take the case of the accident that happened on the Birmingham line-a case that had come before him. What were the facts? They would hardly be credited. But, perhaps it would be inconvenient for him to enter into the facts of that case on the present occasion, and he would defer his observations till the second reading. Mr. Gladstone had thought he might venture to move for leave to bring in the bill, as no new principle was contained in it beyond what had been already before the House, and he had done so notwithstanding that the report on the subject was not yet delivered. But in a very few days that report would be on the Table of the House, and in that report would be given the detailed opinions of the officers on the accidents that had occurred, and their reasons for those opinions. He thought it was desirable for all parties that the whole subjects should be gone into, but, under the circumstances he had mentioned, not perhaps at present. Mr. Wakley had not hesitated to allude to the accident on the Great Western, because the chairman of the company, being present in his place in the House, would be able to reply on the instant. But as there was no person in the House who could have offered a similar explanation on the part of the Birmingham Railway Company, he had abstained. Mr. C. Russell expressed his satisfaction that the right hon. Gentleman had brought in this bill in accordance with the principle recommended last year. As |