of compensation to the army on a resolution which we have already had occasion to notice, was considered at the time a noble instance of magnanimity, as it was a splendid display of eloquence and patriotism. In almost every principal measure relative to the military affairs of the times he was conspicuous and useful; he even indeed exceeded the limits of his duty, perhaps his prudence as a statesman; for when called accidentally to the army, he went so far as to enter its ranks. When general Howe marched to Chestnut Hill, and afterwards when general Kniphausen marched to Springfield to engage the American army, Mr. Gerry was at the side of the commander in chief, acting in the civil capacity of a delegate or committee from congress. The situation however was too interesting to his feelings, and his spirit was too manly to stand quietly by, while his fellow citizens were fighting the battles of their country; he solicited employment from general Washington, and was allowed by him to exercise a command during the period he remained with the army, as a volunteer.

Another subject by which Mr. Gerry's congressional career is distinguished, at the period of which we speak, was that of the resources of the country, and this is indeed fully proved by the facts which have been already enumerated. On all subjects of finance he was able and eminent. His clear and penetrating mind could unravel the perplexities of a system, more confused and entangled than any other which has ever fallen within our knowledge, and his invention and ingenuity were in constant demand, to develop or apply the resources of the coun

VOL. VIII.-F

try. In a letter written several years since by Mr. Adams, the late president of the United States, he bears public testimony to the skill of Mr. Gerry in these subjects, and bestows on him the praise of originating, while a member of the committee of finance, the most valuable provisions of the present system.. Some of his remarks apply indeed to a subsequent period of his life, but throwing as they do on the character and talents of Mr. Gerry new light, from a source the most authentic and pure, we take this occasion to insert them." Mr. Gerry," observes the late President Adams, "was a financier, and had been employed for years on the committee of the treasury in the old congress, and a most indefatigable member too. That committee had laid the foundation for the present system, and had organized it almost as well, though they had not the assistance of clerks and other conveniences, as at present. Any man who will look into the journals of the old congress, may see the organization, and the daily labours and reports of that committee, and may form some judgment of the talents and services of Mr. Gerry in that department. I knew the officers of the treasury in Hamilton's time, dreaded to see him rise in the house on any question of finance, because, they said, he was a man of so much influence, that they always feared he would discover some error, or carry some point against them." Such is the testimony of a man who was himself amongst the most active of our revolutionary leaders, and who, in a long life, had the opportunities as well as the sound abilities which enabled him to form strong and correct opinions of the leading statesmen of his age.

The state of Massachusetts would not, however, long permit the absence of Mr. Gerry from the theatre of his well earned fame. On the twenty-seventh of June, 1783, by a joint ballot of both houses of assembly he was elected, and on the fourteenth of August following, again took his seat as a delegate from that state in congress, where he recommenced the active career of public usefulness, which he had pursued at a preceding period. Scarcely, however, had he resumed his duties, when the subject in which he had formerly taken so deep an interest was again brought to his attention, and in a manner not a little embarrassing. This subject was the compensation of the troops. Congress, in the year 1780, resolved, that the officers of the army, who should continue therein during the war, should be entitled to half pay for life; and at the same time resolved, that all such as should retire therefrom, in consequence of the new arrangement which was then ordered to take place, should be entitled to the same benefit: of this half pay a commutation was afterwards proposed, by which five years' whole pay was granted in lieu of the half pay. A measure of this nature, so far from being obnoxious to censure, would seem to be a sacred duty; a small return indeed to those whose services were beyond price, since no price could have induced an army to endure the fatigues, the disasters, and the neglected sufferings of the American soldiery, had they not been inspired with sentiments which raised them far above a mercenary band. By some of the states, however, the course adopted by congress was regarded as extravagant and partial; wea

ried perhaps, and exhausted by the prolonged expenses of the war, they were angry that peace did not bring with it the entire relaxation of their burdens; and forgetful of the ills from which they had been saved, they regarded a pension to the disbanded troops as a payment without equivalent. In these opinions the state of Massachusetts took the lead, and on the eleventh of July had addressed a letter to congress, in which they were freely expressed.

"We are not unacquainted," they say, "with the sufferings, nor forgetful of the virtue and bravery of our fellow citizens in the army; and while we are sensible that justice requires that they should be fully compensated for their services and sufferings, at the same time it is most sincerely to be wished that they may return to the bosom of their country, under such circumstances as may place them in the most agreeable light with their fellow citizens. We are sensible too that congress are vested with a discretionary power, to make provision for the support and payment of the army, and such civil officers as may be necessary for managing the general affairs of the United States: but in making such provision, due regard ever ought to be had to the welfare and happiness of the people, the rules of equity, and the spirit and general design of the confederation. We cannot on this occasion avoid saying that, with due respect, we are of opinion, those principles were not duly attended to, in the grant of half pay to the officers of the army; that being in our opinion, a grant of more than an adequate reward for their services, and incon

sistent with that equality which ought to subsist among citizens of free and republican states.

The observations which have been made with regard to the officers of the army, will in general apply to the civil officers appointed by congress, who, in our opinion, have been allowed much larger salaries than are consistent with the state of our finances, the rules of equity, and a proper regard to the public good: and indeed, if the United States were in the most wealthy and prosperous circumstances, it is conceived that economy and moderation, with respect to grants and allowances, in opposition to the measures which have been adopted by monarchial and luxurious courts, would most highly conduce to our reputation, even in the eyes of foreigners, and would cause a people, who have been contending with so much ardour and expense for republican constitutions and freedom, which cannot be supported without frugality and virtue, to appear with dignity and consistency; and at the same time would, in the best manner, conduce to the public happiness.

It is thought to be essentially necessary, especially at the present time, that congress should be expressly informed, that such measures as are complained of, are extremely opposite and irritating to the principles and feelings which the people of some eastern states, and of this in particular, inherit from their ancestry."

A letter of such a tone and character may be well supposed to have demanded and received considerable attention. It was referred to a committee, who made report thereon; it was warmly and zealously debated;