present state and future prospects of the country, for a seat in that Congress. This whole scene was a comedy to Charles Thomson, whose countenance was in raptures all the time. When all was over, he told me he had been highly delighted with it, because he had been witness to many of their conversations, in which they had endeavored to excite and propagate prejudices against me, on account of my office of Chief Justice. But he said I had cleared and explained the thing in such a manner that he would be bound I should never hear any more reflections on that head. No more, indeed, were made in my presence, but the party did not cease to abuse me in their secret circles on this account, as I was well informed. Not long afterwards, hearing that the Supreme Court in Massachusetts was organized and proceeding very well on the business of their circuits, I wrote my resignation of the office of Chief Justice, to the Council, very happy to get fairly rid of an office that I knew to be burdensome, and whose emoluments, with my small fortune, would not support my family.

On the 9th of February, the day on which Mr. Gerry and I took our seats for this year, sundry letters from General Washington, General Schuyler, Governor Trumbull, with papers inclosed, were read, and referred to Mr. Chase, Mr. J. Adams, Mr. Penn, Mr. Wythe, and Mr. Rutledge.

On the 14th of February, sundry letters from General Schuyler, General Wooster, and General Arnold, were read, and referred, with the papers enclosed, to Mr. Wythe, Mr. J. Adams, and Mr. Chase. On the same day,

"Congress resolved itself into a committee of the whole House, to take into consideration the report of the committee on the regulations and restrictions under which the ports should be opened after the first day of March next, and, after some time spent thereon, the President resumed the chair, and Mr. Ward reported, that the committee had taken into consideration the matter referred to them, but not having come to a conclusion desired leave to sit again, which was granted for to-morrow."

แ

On the 15th of February,

Sundry other letters, from General Lee, General Schuyler, and General Wooster, were referred to the committee to whom the letters received yesterday were referred.

"On the same day, Congress took into consideration the report from the committee of the whole House, and, after debate, resolved that it be recommitted. Resolved, That Congress will to-morrow morning resolve itself into a com

66

mittee of the whole, to take into consideration the propriety of opening the ports, and the restrictions and regulations of trade of these Colonies, after the first of March next."

Friday, February 16,

"Agreeably to the order of the day, the Congress resolved itself into a committee of the whole, to take into consideration the propriety of opening the ports, &c.

"After some time spent, Mr. Ward reported, that, not having come to a conclusion, the committee asked leave to sit again; granted."

Saturday, February 17,

"The committee to whom the letters from Generals Arnold, Wooster, Schuyler, and Lee, were referred, brought in their report, which was agreed to in the several resolutions detailed in the Journal of this day.*

"Same day, Resolved, That Mr. J. Adams, Mr. Wythe, and Mr. Sherman, be a a committee to prepare instructions for the committee appointed to go to Canada. "Resolved, That Congress will, on Tuesday next, resolve itself into a committee of the whole, to take into consideration the propriety of opening the ports," &c.

This measure, of opening the ports, &c. labored exceedingly, because it was considered as a bold step to independence. Indeed, I urged it expressly with that view, and as connected with the institution of government in all the States, and a declaration of national independence. The party against me. had art and influence as yet, to evade, retard, and delay every motion that we made. Many motions were made, and argued at great length, and with great spirit on both sides, which are not to be found in the Journals. When motions were made and debates ensued in a committee of the whole House, no record of them was made by the secretary, unless the motion prevailed and was reported to Congress, and there adopted. This arrangement was convenient for the party in opposition to us, who by this means evaded the appearance, on the Journals, of any subject they disliked.1

*First Edition, Vol. ii. pp. 67, 68.

1 As it is more than once intimated in this record that Charles Thomson was somewhat biased in his action as secretary by his connection with Mr. Dickinson, it is fair to give his own explanation:

"I was married to my second wife on a Thursday; on the next Monday, I came to town to pay my respects to my wife's aunt and the family. Just as I alighted in Chestnut Street, the door-keeper of Congress (then first met) accosted me with a message from them, requesting my presence. Surprised at this, and not able to divine why I was wanted, I however bade my servant put up the horses, and followed the messenger myself to the Carpenter's Hall, and entered Congress. Here was indeed an august assembly, and deep thought and

On Monday, February 19th, Congress attended an oration in honor of General Montgomery, and the officers and soldiers who fell with him.

On Tuesday, February 20th, and on Wednesday, February 21st, means were contrived to elude the committee of the whole House.

Thursday, February 22,

"Two letters from General Washington were referred to a committee of the whole House. Accordingly Congress resolved itself into a committee of the whole, and after some time Mr. Ward reported, that the committee had come to no conclusion; and Congress resolved, that to-morrow they would again resolve themselves into a committee of the whole, to take into their further consideration the letters from General Washington.

"Friday, February 23. Resolved, That Congress will on Monday next resolve itself into a committee of the whole, to take into consideration the letters from General Washington.

Monday, February 26th, arrived, and

"A letter from General Lee was referred to Mr. McKean, Mr. John Adams, and Mr. Lewis Morris, but no resolution of Congress into a committee of the whole.

"On Tuesday, February 27. The order of the day was renewed, but nothing done.

"Wednesday, February 28. The committee to whom the letters from General Lee, &c. were referred, brought in their report. Resolved, That the consideration of it be postponed till to-morrow."

Thursday, February 29.

"A letter of the 14th, from General Washington, inclosing a letter from Lord

solemn anxiety were observable on their countenances! I walked up the aisle, and standing opposite to the President I bowed, and told him I awaited his pleasure. He replied, Congress desire the favor of you, sir, to take their minutes.' I bowed in acquiescence, and took my seat at the desk. After a short silence, Patrick Henry arose to speak. I did not then know him; he was dressed in a suit of parson's gray, and from his appearance I took him for a Presbyterian clergyman, used to haranguing the people. He observed, that we were here met in a time and on an occasion of great difficulty and distress; that our public circumstances were like those of a man in deep embarrassment and trouble, who had called his friends together to devise what was best to be done for his relief;- one would propose one thing, and another a different one, whilst perhaps a third would think of something better suited to his unhappy circumstances, which he would embrace, and think no more of the rejected schemes with which he would have nothing to do. I thought,' continued the venerable narrator, that this was very good instruction to me, with respect to the taking the minutes. What Congress adopted, I committed to writing; with what they rejected, I had nothing farther to do; and even this method led to some squabbles with the members who were desirous of having their speeches and resolutions, however put to rest by the majority, still preserved upon the minutes." American Quarterly Review, vol. i. p. 30.

Drummond to General Robinson, and sundry other papers, were read. Agreeable to the order of the day, the Congress resolved itself into a committee of the whole, to take into consideration the letter from General Washington of the 9th instant, and the trade of the Colonies after the first of March; and after some time, Mr. Ward reported that the committee, not having come to a conclusion, desired leave to sit again; granted.

66 Resolved, That this Congress will, to-morrow, resolve itself into a committee of the whole, to take into further consideration the letter from General Washington, and the trade of the Colonies."

The very short sketch, which is here traced, is enough to show that postponement was the object of our antagonists; and the Journals for those days will show the frivolous importance of the business transacted in them, in comparison of the great concerns which were before the committees of the whole House. There was, however, still a majority of members who were either determined against all measures preparatory to independence, or yet too timorous and wavering to venture on any decisive steps. We therefore could do nothing but keep our eyes fixed on the great objects of free trade, new governments, and independence of the United States, and seize every opening opportunity of advancing step by step in our progress. Our opponents were not less vigilant in seizing on every excuse for delay; the letter from Lord Drummond, which seemed to derive importance, from the transmission of it by General Washington, was a fine engine to play cold water on the fire of independence. They set it in operation with great zeal and activity. It was, indeed, a very airy phantom, and ought not to have been sent us by the General, who should only have referred Lord Drummond to Congress. But there were about head-quarters some who were as weak and wavering as our members; and the General himself had chosen, for his private confidential correspondent, a member from Virginia, Harrison, who was still counted among the cold party. This was an indolent, luxurious, heavy gentleman, of no use in Congress or committee, but a great embarrassment to both. He was represented to be a kind of nexus utriusque mundi, a corner stone in which the two walls of party met in Virginia. He was descended from one of the most ancient, wealthy, and respectable families in the ancient dominion, and seemed to be set up in opposition to Mr. Richard Henry Lee. Jealousies and divisions appeared among the delegates of no State more remarkably than among those

of Virginia. Mr. Wythe told me that Thomas Lee, the elder brother of Richard Henry, was the delight of the eyes of Virginia, and by far the most popular man they had; but Richard Henry was not. I asked the reason; for Mr. Lee appeared a scholar, a gentleman, a man of uncommon eloquence, and an agreeable man. Mr. Wythe said this was all true, but Mr. Lee had, when he was very young, and when he first came into the House of Burgesses, moved and urged on an inquiry into the state of the treasury, which was found deficient in large sums, which had been lent by the treasurer to many of the most influential families of the country, who found themselves exposed, and had never forgiven Mr. Lee. This, he said, had made him so many enemies, that he never had recovered his reputation, but was still heartily hated by great numbers. These feelings among the Virginia delegates were a great injury to us. Mr. Samuel Adams and myself were very intimate with Mr. Lee, and he agreed perfectly with us in the great system of our policy, and by his means we kept a majority of the delegates of Virginia with us; but Harrison, Pendleton, and some others, showed their jealousy of this intimacy plainly enough at times. Harrison consequently courted Mr. Hancock and some other of our colleagues; but we had now a majority, and gave ourselves no trouble about their little intrigues. This is all necessary to show the operation of Lord Drummond's communication. I have forgotten the particulars, but he pretended to have had conversation with Lord North; talked warmly of Lord North's good will and desire of reconciliation, but had no authority to show, and no distinct proposition to make. In short, it was so flimsy

1 It is rather singular that Mr. Jefferson should have ascribed, even though in vague language, to Patrick Henry, a young man, not of the aristocracy, and just upon the threshold of public life, the origination of this bold measure. See Wirt's Life of Henry, p. 52. Mr. Lee, though also young at the time, had been for several years in the House of Burgesses, and naturally acted with more confidence, from knowing himself to be sustained by a strong and extensive family connection. His grandson and biographer states the facts almost exactly as they are given by Mr. Wythe in the text; and he further asserts, that among the manuscripts to which he had access is a letter from a gentleman of a distant county to Mr. Lee, thanking him for the part he had taken in the matter. Life and Correspondence of R. H. Lee, vol. i. p. 23. Yet it is not unlikely that Mr. Henry should have supported the motion, after it had been made by Mr. Lee. Mr. Jefferson's inclination to disparage the Lees is obvious enough in his writings.

2 The particulars of this agency of Lord Drummond are to be found in the Appendix No. XIII. to the third volume of the writings of Washington. It would