lead. It is the courage (says he) displayed by the European officers, displayed too, from its great purpose being example, in a chivalrous degree, that brings our regiments of Sepoys almost to an equality with those composed entirely of Europeans. With the example before them, the difference in military efficiency seems reduced to that of mere physical strength; but withdraw that example, and the native soldiers will not bear a comparison.'-So speaks the Civil in opposition to the Military Servant; if the opinions of the former be correct, and they are not, we must support from the military history of India,-the natives are not quasay, without large lified for higher advancement in this branch of public service, and their present position is fixed, not by considerations of policy, but by the simple necessity of maintaining the efficiency of our regular army. It is, however, extremely difficult to waive, upon such a matter as this, the authority of Sir John Malcolm's long and intimate personal experience of our Indian troops.

In the eleventh and last chapter of Sir John Malcolm's work will be found observations on the British community in Indiahalf-castes, or Anglo-Indians-propagation of Christianity-and the state of the press. On all these important subjects the author strongly urges the expediency of maintaining the existing principles of administration, and in this opinion the Civil Servant completely concurs. Such sentiments are, in fact, common to the great majority of those who have carried any practical knowledge of the natives of India and the local administration to the discussion of these important questions; while, on the other hand, a removal of the restrictive system has been recommended by individuals not deficient in talent, and abounding in zeal, with whom the propagation of their political and religious creeds is so primary an object, as to produce a neglect of the more homely considerations of practicability and safety. To such stirring spirits, the colonization of a very old, a very densely peopled, and a very distant country, the conversion of eighty millions of bigots, and the establishment of a free press in India, are points of easy attainment, involving no sacrifice but that of the prejudices and conveniencies of an arbitrary government. Their voice here and elsewhere has of late been loud.

Sir John Malcolm applies the term 'British community in India' more particularly to British subjects living under the protection of the Company's government, but not in their service. His majesty's courts of justice have given to British subjects resident in India a distinct civil existence, inasmuch as, with the exception of trifling misdemeanors, they are not amenable to the courts of the East India Company's government. On the other hand, British subjects are restricted as to place of residence, are prohibited from becoming proprietors of land, and are liable in certain cases to be

sent

to

sent to England by the local authority. The two principal objections taken by Sir John Malcolm to a removal of these restrictions and a consequent encouragement of colonization, are, first, that grants of land could not be made by the local government to Europeans, without a disregard of the rights, or at least the far superior pretensions of the native subjects; and secondly, that as physical and mental degeneracy would result from the effects of climate, and connexion with native females, the estimation of the mastercaste generally would be lowered, and the stability of our empire seriously endangered. Our author conceives that the existing restrictions do not interfere with the diffusion of those advantages which necessarily result from commercial intercourse, but asserts, that 'our empire in India has already derived and must continue to derive the greatest benefit from the enterprise of British merchants, which has diffused wealth, encouraged industry, and promoted the general prosperity of the country, adding, by the increase of its resources, the strength of the government.' The Civil Servant is equally opposed to colonization: he contends that there is no room for colonists; that the inhabitants are already so numerous as to press upon the means of subsistence in a degree most confirmatory of the received doctrines on population.' This description is certainly not applicable to all parts of India, but is sufficiently true to justify the assertion, that there is no such deficiency in the supply of human labour, as to require assistance from colonization. After stating the protection afforded by the king's court of justice to British subjects, he thus proceeds: Although the existence of two systems of law within the same dominions, the one applicable locally to both classes, native and European*, and universally to the latter, be in itself an anomaly, the number of European residents in the country has hitherto borne so small a proportion to the whole population, that no inconvenience has been felt from the greater consideration shown for the lives and properties of the master-caste : but let the principle of colonization be once admitted; let Europeans and their families be congregated in towns throughout the country; let them become permanent land-owners, and it will be difficult, if not impossible, to continue this legal distinction. Neither the first colonists, nor their descendants when they feel the strength of numbers, will submit patiently to a system of government so essentially different from the British constitution: in the first instance they will endeavour to persuade the natives that their common interest calls for innovation, and may avail themselves of their physical force to effect it; the next step will be to usurp all authority from the executive government, and the result of this

The author incorrectly uses the word European' instead of British. Europeans not British subjects are subject to the jurisdiction of the Company's court.

dissension

dissension between the European governors and the European governed must be the extinction of both by the natives.'-In these sentiments we so far concur as to believe, that while the advantages either to British subjects, or to the natives of India, from colonization are exceedingly problematical, a removal of the existing restrictions would be attended with immediate and certain embar rassment to the local governments, and might endanger the continuance of our empire in India.

Although Sir John Malcolm appears to entertain some vague notions of improving the condition of the class of persons known by the name of Half-Castes, or Anglo-Indians, yet, as he at the same time admits the expediency of maintaining the regulations by which they are excluded from the regular civil and military service of the East India Company, it is not easy to imagine the mode by which, in his opinion, the object is to be effected. He says, 'they may be almost said to monopolize the situations of clerks and accountants in the offices of government, as well as in those of public servants, and private European merchants.' In compensation for their exclusion from the regular services, they are, as natives of India, allowed to become landed proprietors; are not restricted as to residence; and are not liable to removal from the country, except by sentence of a court of law. The privilege of sitting upon juries has recently been conferred upon them; and on the whole, therefore, the Anglo-Indians appear to receive as much countenance from the English government as is called for by their particular claims, or consistent with impartiality towards the rest of our native subjects. The numbers of this class are so trifling in comparison with the overwhelming mass of the population, and from the very mixture of their race their personal influence is so inconsiderable, that the question of their civil condition is at present rather one of feeling than policy: though extension of privileges might indeed, by exciting the jealousy of our Mahomedan and Hindoo subjects, give it a very different character. The Civil Servant avows a similar, and indeed a still more decided opinion.

'However similarity of religion may excite personal interest, as the very security of our empire depends not only upon religious toleration, but upon the forbearance from any attempt to a positive political preference of Christianity, the half-castes ought to receive no larger share of favour and protection from the British than the Hindoo and Mahomedan subjects. In truth, a preference government would have a tendency to encourage the illicit connexion from which this unhappily-placed class derive their existence. That existence is to a certain degree an evil, an evil which is not to be prevented, but one which would be much aggravated by special legislation, or public interference.'-p. 45.

The

The propagation of Christianity in India is by many considered the positive duty of a Christian government, and by all must be admitted to be of the highest importance. The Hindoo religion abounds with doctrines and observances inimical to moral and political improvement; this is also in a great degree the case in regard to the more comprehensive religion of the Koran: to the adherents of both, Christianity is an object of dislike, and this feeling presents a most serious obstacle to cordial association in the relations of domestic and civil life. Conversion of the natives of India to the Christian religion would therefore be attended with great political advantages: but, whether viewed as matter of duty or interest, the mode of effecting this sacred and important object must be determined by the actual circumstances of the country, the rights of the people, and the nature of the government; if any one of these considerations be overlooked, failure in the attempt must be the first, and political convulsion with all its attendant evils and atrocities, the ultimate consequence. Sir John Malcolm justly observes, that the uniform conduct and public proclamations of the British government have not merely given to the natives of India a right to the free and protected exercise of their religions; that, in fact those religions have become part of the law under which the government itself is administered; and he therefore concludes, that all interference from authority for the substitution of another form of worship would be a positive breach of contract, and could not but excite the most decided opposition. He cites a remarkable instance of the native jealousy on the subject of religion, that occurred during the administration of Lord Wellesley.

In 1804, the subject proposed for a public disputation at the annual examination in the college at Fort William was, "the advantages which the natives of this country might derive from translations in the vernacular tongues, of the books containing the principles of their respective religions, and those of the Christian faith." The belief that this discussion would involve topics offensive to the religious prejudices of the Mahomedans, led a number of the most respectable and learned of that faith to address a memorial to the governor-general, remonstrating against this supposed infringement of the unequivocal toleration which they gratefully acknowledged the government had till then afforded to the unmolested exercise of the religion of its subjects. The consequence of this memorial was, that the subject of disputation was withdrawn, and an official document was circulated, declaring that "the discussion of any subject connected with religion, or which was degrading to the religions of India, was quite foreign to the principles of the institution of the college."'-vol. ii. p. 270.

The mutiny and massacre at Vellore, in the opinion of Sir John Malcolm,

Malcolm, of the government at the time, and of all persons well informed on the subject, arose much more from religious exasperation than from attachment to the family of Tippoo. A report was at that time industriously circulated through the southern provinces of India, that the forcible conversion of the natives to Christianity was the secret object of the British government, and some trifling alterations in the appearance of the Sepoys on parade, were brought forward as proofs of this intention. It was further reported, that advantage had been taken of the monopoly of salt, to mix the blood of swine with that article of general consumption, so as to violate at once the institutions of the Mahomedan, and of the Hindoo religion. So dangerous did these calumnies appear to the government of India, that a proclamation was issued, most solemnly denying the charge, and 'disclaiming every thought of interference with their customs or religion.' Such declarations may fairly be considered as pledges on the part of the British government to abstain from conversion as a matter of public administration. Two modes in which this desirable object may be attempted are, however, as stated by Sir John Malcolm, still open-the labours of individual missionaries, and the diffusion of general knowledge. To the latter we may perhaps look with the greater confidence for the existence of such superstitious practices as belong to the Hindoo religion, must, however interwoven with the domestic habits of the people, and the personal interests of their priests, be incompatible with the diffusion of European science and literature among the leading classes of society. A more familiar and extended acquaintance with the English language would, to the natives, be the surest source of intellectual improvement, and might become the most durable tie between Britain and India. In any plan, therefore, for the public education of the natives, the complete knowledge of our language ought to form so prominent an object, as to lay the ground for its gradually becoming at least the established vehicle of legal and official business. The English tongue would thus in India, as in America, be the lasting monument of our dominion; and it is not too much to hope, that it might also be the medium through which the inhabitants of those vast regions might hereafter rival the rest of the civilized world, in the expression of all that most exercises and distinguishes human intellect.

Sir John Malcolm commences his remarks on the disputed question of the state of the press in India, by a brief historical notice of the regulations under which the publication of newspapers has been hitherto permitted. It is a remarkable fact, that the first newspaper printed at Calcutta, more than half a century since, owed its original success and ultimate suppression to a sys

tematic