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masters of transports refused to let their boats be sent on service, as being contrary to their charter-party; the agent for these transports was continually quarrelling with the quarter-mastergeneral, and, to general scandal, expressions were made use of, which no gentleman ought to make and none ought to receive; the Europeans commanding the gun-boats tendered their resignation ; engineer officers were ordered to inspect these gunboats and their carronades by the quarter-master-general, though both the boats and their guns could only be efficiently worked by the seamen of the men of war, Capt. Marryat, of his Majesty's ship Larne, threw up in disgust all command and responsibility, except over the officers and men of his ship, but, at the same time, declared himself ready to go on any service that might be required of him. It was not long before Sir A. Campbell, feeling to his cost the consequences of placing a naval fotilla under the orders of a soldier officer,' attempting to direct naval operations, and employing an engineer to fit out gun-boats, solicited Capt. Marryat to resume what he had abandoned. Indeed, it was very soon discovered, that, without a rigid state of discipline in the marine part of the expedition, nothing but disgrace and disaster was likely to occur. The people who manned the gunboats refused to work the guns, alleging that they were told, when hired at Calcutta, that they were only to pull and not to fight.' Whenever, therefore, it became necessary to cannonade a stockade, to make a practicable breach, the men-of-war's men were obliged to leave their own boats to man the guns ; when the troops were to be landed, the men-of-war's boats were obliged to precede the gun-boats ; receiving thus the first volley in every attack, and suffering out of all proportion. For example, on the 16th May, when the first hand to hand conflict took place, in storming a stockade and outwork about two miles from Rangoon,
the command of the boats was fortunately given to Lieut. Wilkinson, of his Majesty's ship Liffey, who led in with the menof-war's boats to the very foot of the stockade, which was immediately carried; but the Burmese fought desperately, leaving upwards of a hundred men killed in the stockade. Our loss was twenty-two killed and wounded, among the former was Lieut. Kerr of the 38th regiment, and in the latter Lieut. Wilkinson himself. Not a syllable of this conflict is mentioned by Major Snodgrass. One circumstance occurred which could hardly have escaped his recollection. When the sailors, with that characteristic carelessness and prodigality of life for which they are distinguished, jumped out of the boats and scrambled up the stockade, the Burmese soldiers, not knowing what to make of men without arms,
in rusty blue jackets and tarry trousers, stood looking and laughing at them; meanwhile the blues, making a rush upon them, drove them fairly off the parapet.
As military secretary to the commander-in-chief, the major, we imagine, can scarcely be allowed the plea of ignorance for his numerous omissions; and the existence of a publication called the * London Gazette,' bars that of a want of recollection; yet, in the grand display of the feats of the army, during the first seven or eight days of December, which we doubt not was well merited, the co-operation of the navy is nearly passed over in silence; whereas, the fact is, that the boats of the navy were constantly on the alert night and day; were the first to lead in to the attack on the strong stockades on the Dalla creek; were the only opponents of the powerful war-boats, numbers of which were captured; and, lastly,—were the only people who could grapple with the immense and destructive fire-rafts, which, but for them, must inevitably have burned the whole fleet of helpless transports lying before Rangoon. Day and night, for weeks together, were the boats of the navy employed in watching, seizing, and towing away those formidable fire-rafts.
In the fatigue undergone there was no comparison between the two services; fresh troops were sent to each several attack, but owing to the smallness of the naval force, the same officers and men had to attend every expedition, and to lead in to the hottest fire ; otherwise the boats in which the troops were could not have moved an inch. The
severe service was, that out of about one hundred and thirty men, the complement of the Larne, at one time not more than eight were fit for duty; the rest, officers and all, being laid up with fever, cholera, and dysentery. In this season of sickness, while the rains continued, the army and navy lost nearly two thousand men.
When it was determined to make an attack on Kemmendine, on the 3d June, Captain Ryves of the Sophie was requested to take the command of the flotilla ; but, on finding that Sir A. Campbell meant to embark personally, that no plan of the attack was given to him (Captain R.), and that, to all appearance, no means of communication with the land column, by signals, had been thought of, he very properly declined it. What was the consequence? The fire from the Hotilla, managed by landsmen, killed and wounded many of our troops on-shore, who returned the compliment on the floating force. The Burmans held the position, and both land and marine columns were obliged to retreat in disorder, leaving one hundred and fifty men killed and wounded. This disaster could not be concealed, and is accord2 L 2
ingly published (though not with all its unfortunate circumstances) in the London Gazette ; but, strange as the circumstance may appear, not one syllable of it is to be found in Major Snodgrass’s. book!
Again, coming to the time when Sykia Wongee, on the 1st July, made his attack on our lines before Rangoon, Major Snodgrass seems to have forgotten the part which the navy bore in repulsing this large force; and that, when, to distract our operations and destroy the shipping, not fewer than fifty-three of their huge fire-rafts, protected by gun-boats, were sent down the river towards the fleet at the same time, all of these were, by uncommon skill and exertion, towed off and rendered harmless. Five months afterwards, indeed, when the value of naval co-operation had been fully discovered and duly appreciated, and when, mainly by naval exertion and skill the important post of Kemmendine had been saved, the major does, tardily and coldly enough, admit that the skill and intrepidity of British seamen proved more than a match for the numbers and devices of the enemy; entering their boats, they grappled the fiaming rafts, and conducted them past the shipping, or ran them ashore upon the bank.'
The most extraordinary omission is, however, that which we have already noticed, of the operations of the marine flotilla and its little corps of some eight hundred or one thousand men, which Sir A. Campbell left behind him to capture Donabew—that strongest of the Burmese fortresses, manned with fifteen thousand veteran troops, commanded by the most experienced of their generals. But the Gazette supplies what this writer has suppressed. It is there, also—and it is only there we find that the strong stockade of Tantaben was stormed and carried by the seamen and marines under the orders of Capt. Chads of the Arachné, before the troops got up, and that numerous fire-rafts and war-boats were at the same time destroyed. • I have again,' says Lieut.-Col. Godwin, who commanded the expedition, the pleasure to mention the name of Lieut. Keale, of his Majesty's ship Arachné, who, with Lieut. Hall, of his Majesty's ship Alligator, and their boats'-crews, were the first to enter the enemy's position, and their conduct was most conspicuous :' and, in the same gazette, this officer mentions an immense quantity of tire-rafts destroyed up the two branches of the Panlang river by Capt. Chads and Lieut. Keale;' -not a syllable of which-nor of the services of Capt. Alexander, of whose zeal and gallantry the general speaks in such handsome terms-nor of Capt. Dawson, who was killed in the attack-nor indeed of the disastrous affair itself before Donabew, is once hinted at by Major Snodgrass !
Indeed the manner in which he conducts the army along the Irrawaddy, till within forty miles of Umerapoora, without once adverting to the unwearied exertions of the flotilla under Captain Chads, but for which the troops could not have advanced a step beyond Prome, is quite inexcusable; the more
as this officer and the men belonging to the Arachne were thirteen months from their ship, during nine of which, both officers and men constantly slept in their boats, and in general lived on salt provisions ; and as, to give Captain Chads's own words, ' although they suffered very considerably both by death and sickness, from exposure, privations, and long confinement, still not a murmur was ever heard ; on the contrary, every service was performed with the utmost cheerfulness and alacrity.' We shall put the matter in its clear light by one simple fact; the reader would not discover, from Major Snodgrass's narrative, that any such person as Captain Chads was present with this army, had not his name appeared to the final treaty of peace.
The same observation may be made with regard to Sir James Brisbane ; though he was joint commissioner with Sir Archibald Campbell, and though he had been repeatedly thanked for his exertions and bravery while in command of the flotilla, his name, like the other, appears for the first time in the signature to the treaty.
We do not mean to charge Major Snodgrass with wilful misrepresentation, or intentional slight on the naval service, by the suppression of various affairs in which it was principally concerned; but we do think that an amende honorable is due from him to the Navy, and which, should a second edition of his book be called for, he will do most effectually by availing himself of that authentic publication called the · London Gazette.'* He will there perceive how much is wanting to render his · Narrative of the Burmese War'a faithful record of the brilliant exploits that led to a final peace. We should think he would be glad of an opportunity of rendering this act of justice to a service, without whose efficacious aid it is at least doubtful, whether he and his comrades would have received those additional honours, rank, and emoluments, which have followed the close of the campaign.*
* He will be reminded of what the valuable services of the navy have been in this war by consulting the following Supplements to the London Gazette :-November, 1824. February 23d, March 25th, April 24th, August 10th, 20th, October 28th, December 13th,-1825; April 25th and 26th,-- 1826.
+ We take this opportunity of noticing an unintentional oversight in the last paper in which we had occasion to mention Burmese aflairs : (Article on Baptist Missions, in No. LXV.) The readers of that paper might be led to believe that Mrs. Judson, one of the missionaries' wives, had voluntarily attended the execution of some criminals. We should have taken care to mark the words 'we went to witness, &c.'as quoted by Mrs. Judson (who is we understand a most amiable person) from the Journal of a Mr. Heugh.
ART. VIII.-1. Peveril of the Peak. 4 vols.- Quentin Durward.
3 vols.-St. Ronan's Well. 3 vols.-Redgauntlet. 3 vols.
Tales of the Crusaders. 4 vols.—Woodstock. 3 vols. 2. Brambletye House, or Cavaliers and Roundheads. A Novel.
Third Edition. 3 vols.—The Tor Hill. By the Author of
• Brambletye House.' 3 vols. London. 1826. 3. Wallenstein : translated from the German of Schiller. By
S.T. Coleridge, Esq. ALL
LL countries have had their popular poetry; yet of all the
forms of composition, the poetical is the least popular. Pure and elevated poetry in all ages and countries must, indeed, have been an art of most unvulgar acquirement, and of far from general acceptation. It is impossible for an imperfectly developed intellect to comprehend the creations of the highest genius; the utmost that it can attain, is some faint and indistinct apprehension of transcending excellence and beauty. How few can thoroughly relish the great productions of Milton—while the poetry of Bloomfield generally pleases ! A genius like Bloomfield's is sure of a wider sympathy. The minds possessing his degree of native energy and cultivation are numerous. quires not of his reader any extraordinary ability, and no learning; some activity of fancy, some congeniality of feeling, is all that is demanded. His associations are limited; he sees but little more in any object in nature than the most ordinary observer; everything he beholds is as naked as his mind that perceives it: so true it is, that all our perceptions are coloured with the particular character of individual intellect, partake its idiosyncrasy, and are qualified by its acquirements or deficiencies. To such a mind as Wordsworth's
• The meanest flower that blows, can give
Thoughts that do often lie too deep for tears;' while, with Peter Bell,
• A primrose by the river's brim,
And it was nothing more.' It was with Bloomfield as with Peter Bell; it was with Milton as it is with Wordsworth, but in a different way. Wordsworth clothes the objects of his perceptions with the feelings of his own heart, and the emotions of his own mind; he invests them with human faculties. Milton arrays them in the gorgeous furniture of an intellect rich in classical associations ; he clothes them with a very drapery of words; he expresses nothing as an ordinary man would express it; everything seems as if it were the result of continued effort-but it is we who make the effort, not the poet.