....... reply 210 tion of the churches during the war, &c. Tryon, William, his letter to gov. Trumbull and 361; extract from one delivered by presi. dent Stiles Slaves, resolves respecting the importation of 198 Smith, rev. Dr. his sermon 473 Tucker, commodore, interesting particulars of him 413 215 Tudor, William, his oration at Boston, 1779 36 471 Tusten, Dr. a sketch of 367 Tyrannicide, the-the first vessel built for the naval service of the U. S.-her battles, &c. 370 Soldier's daughter, narrative of a 490 to 495 Spy, executed, by order of gen. Sullivan 369 Stamp-act-congress, the proceedings of, at length 451 275 370 Stoney Point-Wayne's orders previous to the capture of Strong measures recommended, 1778 Sullivan, gen. extract from his orderly book 369 421 V. Virginia-interesting facts of George Mason-his declaration of rights, and sundry letters 123; Dunmore's letter to Howe 138; proceedings in the convention thereon 139; copy of the oath extorted by Dunmore 141; proceedings at Norfolk on the Boston ort bili 180; do. t Williamsburg, Fredericks.. burg, Hanover, & on the removal of certain arms and munitions of war, 1775 186; association respecting the import of British goods, slaves, teas, &c. and recommending manufactures 198; instructions to the dele. gates to congress 201; do. to the delegates of Cumberland county 211; further instructions to the delegates in congress-respecting a bill of rights-toasts drank and the Union flag unfuried, May 15, 1776, 251; debate on Henry's motion to put the colony in a state of defence, 1775. 307; the people called to arms. 1779, 381; the test of 1776, 446; instructions to Messrs. Lewis and Boyer W. 446 349 Warren, Dr. Joseph-his oration at Boston 1772, 55 23 ry to congress 470 Ticonderoga, capture of, returns, &c. 373 Tilton, Dr. see Delaware: his letter from Wil 277 liamsburg, Dec. 1781 345 Tories, declaration and address to the British king, 1781 393 Treason, law declaratory of it 417 Trumbull, gov. his correspondence with W. Try on 210; with gen. Gage ̧ 437 Y. Yankee doodle-the occasion on which the air was first played in the United States 372 Yorktown, interesting particulars of affairs at 345, 362; additional 371; extracts from a journal kept at the siege of 465 PRINCIPLES AND ACTS OF THE REVOLUTION, &c. Boston Orations. ORATIONS DELIVERED AT THE REQUEST OF THE IN- [These orations were first collected and published liberties of America; both before the revolution commenced and during the time of its continuance] TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE TOWN OF BOSTON. The certainty of being favored with your kindest partiality and candor, in a poor attempt to execute I hope my collecting, in one volume, the follow the part to which you have invited me, has overing orations, which were first severally printed at come the objection of my inability to perform it your request, but many of which have been long in a proper manner; and I now beg the favor of since not to be purchased, will be considered in your animating countenance. the mild light of an attempt to please the public. The horrid bloody scene we here commemorate, Americans have been reprehended for not pre-whatever were the causes which concurred to bring serving, with sufficient care, the various pamphlets it on that dreadful night, must lead the pious and and political tracts which this country has afforded during the late war. Many of those productions which appear trite to us, who live on the spot where they grew, may, however, be considered as sources of curiosity to strangers. Many of these orations have been considered as the sentiments of this metropolis, from time to time, touching the revolution; and as our earliest public invectives against oppression. humane, of every order, to some suitable reflections. The pious will adore the conduct of that BEING who is unsearchable in all his ways, and without whose knowledge not a single sparrow falls, in permitting an immortal soul to be hurried by the flying ball, the messenger of death, in the twinkling of an eye, to meet the awful Judge of all its secret actions. The humane, from having often thought, with pleasing rapture, on the endearing As the institution of an oration upon the fifth scenes of social life, in all its amiable relations, of March is now superseded by the celebration of will lament, with heart felt pangs, their sudden the anniversary of independence, upon the fourth dissolution, by indiscretion, rage and vengeance. of July, I have given to this volume a general title, But let us leave that shocking close of one which will apply to both institutions: so that if continued course of rancor and dispute, from the hereafter there shall be a like volume, containing first moment that the troops arrived in town: that the orations of that anniversary, this may be con- course will now be represented by your own residered the first and that the second volume of Alections to a much more solid, useful purpose, than Posion orations. by any artful language. I hope, however, that I am, with the greatest respect, your obedient heaven has yet in store such happiness for this afflicted town and province, as will in time wear (out the memory of all your for.a.r troubles, 1 sincerely rejoice with you in the happy even Jupon the army. A less body of troops than is now of your steady and united effort to prevent a second maintained has, on a time, destroyed a king, and tragedy. fought under a parliament with great success and glory; but, upon a motion to disband them, they turned their masters out of doors, and fixed others in their stead. Such wild things are not again to happen, because the parliament have power to stop payment once a year: but arma tenenti quis neget? which may be easily interpreted, "who will bind Sampson with his locks on?”* Our fathers left their native land, risqued all the dangers of the sea, and came to this then savage desart, with that true undaunted courage which is excited by a confidence in Gou. They came that they might here enjoy themselves, and leave to their posterity the best of earthly portions, full English liberty. You showed upon the alarm ing cause for trial, that their brave spirit still The bill which regulates the army, the same exists in vigor, though their legacy of right is much fine author I have mentioned, says, “is, in many impaired. The sympathy and active friendship of respects, hastily penned, and reduces the soldier to some neighboring towns, upon that sad occasion, a state of slavery in the midst of a free nation. This commands the highest gratitude of this. is impolitic: for slaves envy the freedom of others, and take a malicious pleasure in contributing to destroy it." We have seen and felt the ill effects of placing standing forces in the midst of populous communities; but those are only what individuals suffer. By this scandalous bill a justice of peace is Your vote directs me to point out the fatal tendency empowered to grant, without a previous oath from of placing such an order in free cities-fatal indeed! the military officer, a warrant to break open any Athens once was free; a citizen, a favorite of the (freeman's) house, upon pretence of searching for people, by an artful story, gained a trifling guard deserters. of fifty men; ambition taught him ways to enlarge that number; he destroyed the commonwealth and made himself the tyrant of the Athenians. Cæsar, by the length of his command in Gaul, got the affections of his army, marched to Rome, overthrew the state, and made himself perpetual dictator. By the same instruments, many less republics have been made to fall a prey to the devouring jaws of tyrants. But this is a subject which should never be disguised with figures; it chooses the plain stile of dissertation. I must not omit to mention one more bad tendency: 'tis this-a standing force leads to a total neglect of militias, or tends greatly to discourage them. You see the danger of a standing army to the cause of freedom. If the British parliament consents from year to year to be exposed, it doubtless has good reasons. But when did our assembly pass an act to hazard all the property, the liberty and lives of their constituents? what check have we upon a British army? can we disband it? can we stop Our own assemblies in America can raise an army; The true strength and safety of every common-its pay? wealth or limited monarchy, is the bravery of its freeholders, its militia. By brave militias they and our monarch, George the 3d, by our constiturise to grandeur; and they come to ruin by a mercenary army. This is founded on historical tion, takes immediate command. This army can facts, and the same causes will, in similar circumconsent to leave their native provinces. Will the stances, forever produce the same effects. Justice royal chief commander send them to find barracks Blackstone, in his inimitably clear commentaries, modious hall of Westminster? suppose the last-supat Brunswick or Lunenburg, at Hanover, or the comtells us, that "it is extremely dangerous in a land of liberty, to make a distinct order of the pro-liament in actual rebellion, or only on the eve of pose this army was informed, nay thought the parfession of arms; that such an order is an object of jealousy; and that the laws and constitution of Eng- and cloathed them--for there it pinches:--we are one, against their king, or against those who paid lund are strangers to it." One article of the bill of rebels against parliament,--we adore the king. rights is, that the raising or keeping a standing army within the kingdom in a time of peace, unless it be with consent of parliament, is against law. The present army, therefore, though called the peace establishment, is kept up by one act, and governed by another; both of which expire annually. This circumstance is valued as a sufficient check Where, in the case I have stated, would be the value of the boasted English constitution? Who are a free people? not those who do not suffer actual oppression; but those who have a constitutional check upon the power to oppress. *Trenchard to be the royal landlord of this territory; with HIM they entered into mutual, sacred compact, by. which the price of tenure, and the rules of management, were fairly stated. It is in this compact that we find OUR ONLY TRUE LEGISLATIVE AUTHORITY. We are slaves or freemen: if as we are called.(of passage, some happier climate. Here at length the last, where is our check upon the following they settled down The king of England was said powers, France, Spain, the states of Holland, or the British parliaments? now if any one of these (and it is quite immaterial which) has right to make the two acts in question operate within this province, they have right to give us up to an unlimited army, under the sole direction of one Saracen commander. Thus I have led your thoughts to that upon whic I formed my conclusion, that the design of this ceremony was decent, wise and honorable. Make the bloody 5th of March the æra of the resurrec tion of your birthrights, which have been murdered by the very strength that nursed them in their infancy. I had an eye solely to parliamentary supremacy; and I hope you will think every other view beneath your notice, in our present mos alarming situation. I might here enlarge upon the character of those first settlers, men of whom the world was little worthy; who, for a long course of years, assisted by no earthly power, defended their liberty, their religion, and their lives, against the greatest inland danger of the savage natives: but this falls not within my present purpose. They were secure by sea. It is said that disunited from Britain "we should bleed at every vein." I cannot see the consequence. The states of Holland do not suffer thus. But grant it true, Seneca would prefer the lance's of France, Spain, or any other power, to the Bow. STRING, though applied by the fair hand of Bri. tannia. In our infancy, when not an over tempting jewel for the Bourbon crown, the very name of England saved us; afterwards her fleets and armies. We wish not to depreciate the worth of that protection. Chatham, Camden, and others, Gods among men, of our gold, yea of our most fine gold, we will and the Farmer, whom you have addressed as the freely give a part. Our fathers would have done friend of mankind; all these have owned that Eng- the same. But must we fall down and cry "let land has right to exercise every power over us, not a stranger rob and kill me, O my father! let me but that of taking money out of our pockets, with- rather die by the hand of my brother, and let him out our consent.* Though it seems almost too ravish all my portion!"t bold therefore in us to say "we doubt in every single instance her legal rights over this province,"t] yet we must assert it. Those I have named are mighty characters, but they wanted one advantage Providence has given us. The beam is carried of from our eyes by the flowing blood of our fellow. citizens, and now we may be allowed to attempt to remove the mote from the eyes of our exalted The declarative vote of the British parliament patrons. That mote, we think, is nothing but our obligation to England first, and afterwards Great is the death-warrant of our birthrights, and wants Britain, for constant kind protection of our lives and only a Czarish king to put it into execution. Here birthrights against foreign danger. We all acknow. then a`door of salvation is open. Great Britain may raise her Beets and armies, but it is only our ledge that protection. Let us once more look into the early history of own king that can direct their fire down upon our heads. He is gracious, but not omniscient. this province. We find that our English ancestors, disgusted in their native country at a legislation, is ready to hear our APPEALS in their proper course; which they saw was sacrificing all their rights, lef and knowing himself, though the most powerful its jurisdiction,‡ and sought, like wandering birds prince on earth, yet, a subject under a divine constitution of LAW; that law he will ask and receive *Taxation and representation are inseparable. from the twelve judges of England. These will From what in our constitution is representation prove that the claim of the British parliament over not inseparable!-multa a Crasso divinitus dicta us is not only ILLEGAL IN ITSELF, BUT A DOWN-RIGHT efferebantur, cum sibi illum, consulem esse negaret USURPATION OF HIS PREROGATIVE as king of America. cui senator ipse non esset. A brave nation is always generous. Let us ap. Chath Cambd. Cic. I confine myself to this province, partly from ignorance of other charters; but more from a desire even to vex some abler pen to pursue the idea of CHECK; which an unchartered FREEMAN may do, as well as any other in America. He I choose to bury a fruitful subject for any satyrical genius of the family of PENN. tia vitam corpusque servato, ita fortunas, ita Hæc sunt enim fundamenta frmissima nostræ rem familiarem, ut hæ posteriera libertati ducas, libertatis, sui quemque juris et retinendi et dimit--nec pro his libertatem, sed pro libertati hæc tendi esse dominuni. projicias, tanquam pignora injuriæ. Cic. of the PEOPLE of Great Britain, before the tribunal* of Europe, not to envy us the full enjoyment of the peal, the efre, at the same time, to the generosity stitution leads us to expect. In that condition, let us behave with the propriety and dignity of FREEMEN; and thus exhibit to the world, a new character of a people, which no history describes. RIGHTS OF BRETHREN. And now, my friends and fellow townsmen, having declared myself an American son of liberty of true charter principles: having shewn the critical and dangerous situation of our birthrights, and the true course for speedy redress; I shall take the freedom to recommend, with boldness, one previous step.Let us show we understand the true value of what we are claiming. May the all-wise and beneficent RULER OF THE ORATION DELIVERED AT BOSTON, MARCH 5, 1772, Quis talia fando, VIRGIL. When we turn over the historic page, and trace the rise and fall of states and empires, the mighty The patriotic Farmer tells us, "the cause of li berty is a cause of too much dignity to be sullied by turbulence and tumult.—Anger produces anger; and differences, that might be accommodated by revolutions which have so often varied the face of kind and respectful behavior, may, by imprudence, the world strike our minds with solemn surprise, be enlarged to an incurable rage. In quarrels- and we are naturally led to endeavor to search out risen to a certain height, the first cause of dissen- the causes of such astonishing changes. sion is no longer remembered, the minds of the That man is formed for social life, is an observaparties being wholly engaged in recollecting and tion, which, upon our first enquiry, presents itself resenting the mutual expressions of their dislike. immediately to our view, and our reason approves When feuds have reached that fatal point, con that wise and generous principle which actuated siderations of reason and equity vanish, and a blind the first founders of civil government; an institufury gover::s, or rather confounds all things. A peo- tion which hath its origin in the weakness of indiple no longer regard their interest, but a gratifica-viduals, and hath for its end, the strength and security of all: and so long as the means of effecting this important end are thoroughly known, and re. We know ourselves subjects of common Law: to ligiously attended to, government is one of the that and the worthy executors of it, let us pay arichest blessings to mankind, and ought to be held steady and conscientious regard. Past errors in this point have been written with gall, by the pen of MALICE. May our future conduct be such as to make even that vile IMP lay her pen aside. tion of their wrath." in the highest veneration. In young and new formed communities, the grand design of this institution, is most generally understood, and most strictly regarded; the motives The right which imposes duties upon us, is in which urged to the social compact, cannot be at dispute: but whether they are managed by a once forgotten, and that equality which is rememsurveyor-general, a board of commissioners, Turkish bered to have subsisted so lately among them, preJanizaries, or Russian Cossacks, let them enjoy, vents those who are clothed with authority from during our time of fair trial, the common personal attempting to invade the freedom of their brethren; protection of the laws of our constitution. Let or if such an attempt is made, it prevents the comus shut our eyes, for the present, to their being munity from suffering the offender to go unpunishexecutors of claims subversive of our rights. ed: every member feels it to be his interest and Watchful, hawk-eyed jealousy, ever guards the knows it to be his duty, to preserve inviolate the portal of the temple of the GODDESS LIBERTY. This constitution on which the public safety depends,* is known to those who frequent her altars. Our and he is equally ready to assist the magistrate in whole conduct therefore, I am sure, will meet with the execution of the laws, and the subject in dethe utmost candor of her vOTARIES: but I am fence of his right; and so long as this noble attachwishing we may be able to convert even her basest ment to a constitution, founded on free and benevolent principles, exists in full vigor, in any state, that state must be flourishing and happy. APOSTATES. We are SLAVES until we obtain such redress, through the justice of our king, as our happy con *I do not think the quo WARRANTO against our first charter, was tried in a proper court. It was this noble attachment to a free constitu* Omnes ordines ad conservamdam rempublicam, mente, voluntate, studio, virtute, voce, consentiunt. CICERO. |