One short year had sipt its fill
Of education's happiness
Another roll'd me down the hill
Of science' steep declivity.

Yes gurgle on ye tide of time
I'll float upon thy stormy wave

At thy fell will; and feel I'm

The bubble of mortality.

It is almost needless to observe, that the author's punctuation has been strictly adhered to in the above.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

"Democracy" and "Pleasure" are rejected. "The Farewell Tear" is dropt.

In regard to the "Fragment," by "N. S." concerning which he has written to us, we can only say, that it was received too late for notice in the last No. It is rejected.

"The Farrago,"-" Medusa,"-"The Deceived," and "The Temperance Tales," are respectfully declined.

"The last link" has been added to its appropriate chain. With regret, we inform the author of the lines "To a falling star," that after due consideration we must decline them.

"A visit to the graves of my mother and sister,"_"The home of content,"—"H. N.”—have been returned through the post office, as requested.

66 Onalca,—a sketch," is under consideration.

"The alarm gun at sea," has been fired.

"S. H. S." is informed, that it is a standing rule of the Editors, never to accept the first number of a series without some security that it shall be continued. Please send No. 2.

"The character and triumphs of Reason,"-" Lorenzo the Magnificent,""The Fairies Migration," "H. N. B," and "A Song," by "E." are accepted.

The contributors to the Magazine must write plainer. In the present No. there is an article possessing great merit; but which came very near being rejected solely on the ground of the chirography. There are many words in the manuscript, which neither the Editors nor the printers have been able to decipher. The meaning has been guessed at. Should the author observe

any mistakes, he must blame himself.

THERE are few who are truly great. Upon some the title has been conferred, whose characters when clearly developed betray much that is derogatory to their fame. But in briefly noticing the life of the distinguished statesman and jurist, whose name is placed at the head of this article, we have the utmost confidence, that the more his personal qualities and public services are known, the more fondly will his memory be cherished in the hearts of his countrymen.

We have not been prompted to the task which we have undertaken, from a desire to vindicate the character of Mr. Jay against the criminations of his enemies; or with the expectation of eliciting greater respect for his name. At an earlier period this might have been necessary. Such was the virulence of the contending parties when he was called to engage in the political conflicts of his country, that the most deserving were not exempt from unprovoked calumny and abuse. Fortunate above most must he have been, who came forth unscathed from the contests in which the sons of freedom were then engaged. But time has disproved the charges which might have impaired the reputation of Mr. Jay; and it must be no small satisfaction to his personal and public friends, and no little encouragement to all, who like him are devoted to the interests of their country, to be assured, that when calumny and abuse could no longer answer the ends of party animosity, they gave way to the cheerful acknowledgment of the wisdom and virtue reflected upon his character by "habits of meditation, benevolence and piety." Such was the ability which he uniformly displayed in his public ministrations, and such the purity of his motives as manifested in all his conduct, that one thing only appears to have been wanting, to have raised him as high as any other man in the estimation of the public. With his name there was associated none of that military glory, which belonged to Washington, or Hamilton; and which now

seems to be regarded by some, as the most essential qualification of a true statesman. But it is sufficient to say, that although he was not a general, he distinguished himself in a sphere demanding in an equal degree the greatest abilities and wisdom.

Mr. Jay's earliest years were devoted to his country. He promptly obeyed her summons to appear as the supporter of her interests in the national councils, and the defender of her rights at foreign courts. The confidence and esteem of his countrymen were soon acquired by the promptitude and zeal which he manifested in their service. While a member of congress, his presence was often required in the convention of his own state, and hence his name is not enrolled among the signers of the Declaration of Independence: but the celebrated state paper addressed to the British people about this time, is sufficient to show what lofty sentiments he had espoused, and how deeply he was imbued with the true principles of liberty. When too hostilities had commenced, and a crisis had arrived which might well awaken the apprehensions of the most sanguine and devoted patriot ; when the British general, encouraged by the success which had attended his arms, had with confidence proclaimed the offer of pardon to all who would return to royal allegiance;—at this hour of general despondency, Mr. Jay in a powerful and thrilling appeal called upon his countrymen, to awake to a sense of their danger, and to discharge the duties they owed to themselves, their country, and their God." When called to represent the claims of his country in the courts of Europe, he acquitted himself with acknowledged fidelity, and preserved with firmness the honor of the American people. On entering upon the duties of his mission, he was early convinced that France, although professing herself the ally of his country, was pursuing an obvious policy in opposing his negotiations with England, while she favored the interests of the house of Bourbon in contesting the right of the United States to the navigation of the Mississippi. The situation of Mr. Jay at this period was truly embarrassing. He had not only to contend with all the difficulties ordinarily attending negotiations with jealous powers, but he found himself obliged to contend alone. The American people confided implicitly in the alliance of France, and scarcely entertained a doubt that she was guided in her measures, by motives friendly to themselves, and perfectly consistent with their rights. Congress had moulded her instructions according to the advice of the French minister; and in addition to all this, his colleague, Dr. Franklin, urged on the one hand by France, and on the other by his instructions, was disposed to conclude a treaty sacrificing rights, which he knew to be of inestimable value to his country. Still Mr. Jay persisted in maintaining what he regarded the just claims of America; and ere long had the satisfaction of establishing a

treaty on the most honorable terms, and of successfully closing the arduous contest, in which he had early enlisted and strenuously persevered. Subsequently, as secretary of state, chief justice of the United States, and governor of New York, Mr. Jay performed important services for his country, and secured to himself the lasting veneration of his fellow citizens.

Having thus far spoken only of the public conduct of Mr. Jay, perhaps it will be more interesting to make a few inquiries respecting his political and religious principles. Thus we shall learn, not to what course wisdom prompted an individual under circumstances in which we can never expect to be placed; but what are to constitute our rules of action in every situation of life. Believing that it belongs to maturer minds to discuss questions in politics and religion, we shall not attempt any thing more than to offer a few cursory remarks naturally suggested by the proposed inquiries. Of Mr. Jay then, permit us to say that his were the principles which "should ever characterize the friend of freedom,' and his the sentiments which should at all times inspire the patriot and the statesman. We are aware that it is easier to apply this language to an individual, than to induce in others the belief that it belongs to him. We are also aware that if it has been justly cited as descriptive of the principles and sentiments of Mr. Jay, a similar phraseology has often been wrongly applied in other instances; for Mr. Jay differed from many men whose services some hold in high estimation, and who advocated different principles. Of the propriety of the present application of it, however, we shall expect the reader to decide.

In speaking of the political principles of Mr. Jay, the first, and we believe the only charge, which we shall need to answer, is, that he was a federalist, a term once synonymous among those of a certain party with Monarchist, Angloman, and Corruptionist. But epithets so false and opprobrious would be instantly repelled by the well informed of the present day, when applied to such men as Washington, Hamilton, and Jay. Among many, however, the appellation of federalist, even now, is associated with the idea of one, who was grossly blinded in his political views, and madly inculcated principles subversive of equal rights, and dangerous to liberty. But what is federalism? Whence did it originate? Soon after the close of the revolutionary war, there was excited in the minds of many a strong apprehension for the peace and honor of the country, arising from the manifest inefficiency of the national government. Experience had pointed out errors in the existing system of government, which called loudly for a remedy, and had taught as was believed, that the people would not adopt and carry into execution measures promotive of their best interests, without the establishment in some form or other of a coercive power. Public considerations had

been suppressed by an eagerness for private gain; and individual, rather than national interests, had become the great objects of attention. Questions of the highest importance arose, upon which Congress might deliberate and advise, but had no authority to determine. The state of affairs seemed to be approaching some crisis, and about to undergo some revolution, which could not be foreseen or surmised. All believed, that some change was necessary, but when, or how it could be effected the spirit of prophecy only could discern. At this critical juncture the federal constitution was proposed-was deliberated upon; and when its ablest advocates were ready to abandon their fondly cherished hopes, was finally adopted. Thus was reared the edifice of our national union. Thus, by the wisdom and virtues of its founders, was established among us an efficient, and yet free government. Hence, too, federalism had its origin; and because Mr. Jay was an advocate of its principles, he was called a federalist; nor would he even now disown the appellation.

Of federalism little mention is now made. Federalists, too, in name have disappeared; but their sentiments still inspire the wise and good among us-still continue to check the dangerous encroachments of its new styled foe, democracy. We know that there is often little meaning in terms, but they commonly produce strong impressions upon some minds. Kings are not always despots, but by many among us the conferment of a crown would be considered as nothing less than the surrender of our liberty. A republic is a name dear to every American; but republics have not always been free. The term democracy we have never heard defined. We believe that it may be in theory a government in which an enlightened people, governed by the great principles of justice, and actuated by a spirit of "universal philanthropy," control the interests of the nation; but that it oftener is one, in which the "proffered bribe of corruption" places at the head of national affairs some popular leader, who hopes to disprove the wisdom of his predecessors, by a course of policy adapted to the success of some fond experiment. But whatever may be the confidence with which some predict the final triumph of democratical principles in this country; and whatever may be the influence which they are destined to exert upon our political institutions, we believe that people to be governed by false views of liberty, who distrust the wisdom and integrity of the truest statesman, and rely implicitly on the infallibility of public opinion. He is not of course to be considered an utter stranger to liberal principles, who asks not for an unreserved surrender of delegated power. Nor is he certainly ignorant of his rights, who denounces not the aristocracy of wisdom and virtue, and refuses to vote irreligion and vice, as has sometimes been done from principle, into stations of honor and high trust.

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