Patriot Statesman, 312 Pleasures of the Imagination as connected with Science and Literature, 335 Political Influence of Wealth, Practical Phrenology, Reason, Character and Triumphs of, Sea Sketches, THE state of society is continually changing. This is a truth which the history of every age most clearly evinces. Nor have its movements from one change to another, always been progressive. Often has the historian invited us to watch its advancement from one step in civilization to another, until we have seen some portions of the human race elevated to a highly refined state of society; and then again he has called away our attention, to mark the change which a few years or months have made in the prospects of a people. Especially are these remarks true of the political department of society. Of which fact the history of empires, kingdoms and republics, is but a confirmation; and each day as it passes, affords some additional proof either real or in prospect. Year after year brings change after change, while ere a century rolls away, scarce a vestige of what society was, remains. Change indeed we do not always fear; but when fortune smiles upon a nation blessed with wholesome institutions of government, must that nation ever become enslaved to lawless passion or tyrannical power? Philanthropy answers, No. When man is once permitted to open his eyes upon a land of civil and religious liberty, let no gathering cloud obscure his visage, but let the only change be onward to a higher and more perfect state of civil organization. The spirit of prophecy answers, No; while it points to a happier when the reign of liberty and peace shall be universal. The American citizen answers, No; and refuses to believe that our bright prospects as a nation will ever be blasted, and that ages to come will see any change in our republic, except that we shall be more happy, more enlightened, and more prosperous. While we are not of that number who prophesy the speedy downfall of our republican institutions, we find it interesting to inquire what the signs of the times may indicate in regard to our national affairs. The result of such an inquiry has been an in crease of confidence, that liberty will ever be ours; but at the same time, we are not without our apprehensions. The unhappy experience of other nations teaches us that there are, and ever will be, dangers attending us in rearing the superstructure of civil government; and while we trust to the prevalence of correct principles, and the intelligence of our citizens, we know that there are elements of power, intellectual and moral about us, which, restricted to the narrow limits imposed upon their action by civil, political, and ecclesiastical institutions, we almost tremble to see unconfined. These elements rushing up from the depths where they have been for ages imprisoned, and being no longer restrained, show by their incipient movements, that they may rise and rage with ungovernable fury. It would indeed be presumption to suppose that we have already attained to perfection in the principles of our government. The short period of our national existence, if there were no clearer proof, would seem to contradict such an idea. Nor should we think it strange that discouragements have arisen to dishearten the zealous statesman, not so much from the multiplicity of evils, as from the fact that when those which once threatened us have disappeared, others have unexpectedly arisen. We might have foreseen this state of things, if we had been wont to reflect upon the constitutional elements of society. By some, indeed, it was foreseen. Even when our union was first established, there were those who well understood that government founded upon any principles, and especially upon popular principles, would not at once find its equilibrium: and it is not strange that we, throwing all our influence upon one side, should find ourselves borne far beyond the limits which our sober judgments would prescribe. Beyond the limits of constitutional authority and legal restraint, some imagine that we have already passed; and, indeed, we think it well for some high-minded politicians, who cry "all is well," and exult in the "triumphs of true principles," to inquire what these true principles are. If the policy pursued in one instance, is in some respects defective, must we of course conclude that wisdom directs to the opposite extreme? If the union of church and state has always resulted in the unwarrantable exercise of power, must we on this account reject all religious principles, and expect men in the discharge of civil duties to be governed only by an imaginary principle of honor? If aristocracies have always been found to be more or less oppressive to the subjects of such governments, are we to infer that the liberties of the people cannot be secured, except by the introduction of ultra-democratic principles? Is this the way by which we arrive at our conclusions in regard to the true theory of government? Yet it must be admitted that the spirit alluded to in these inquiries, is often made to determine our course of action. We have heard of oppression. We have seen |