cessity of an indefinite postponement. Indefinite postponement is last in the order of privileged motions in the 34th rule. The concluding paragraph is worthy of notice: "A motion to strike out the enacting words of a bill, shall have precedence of a motion to amend, and if carried shall be considered as equivalent to its rejection." Hatsell says you may amend first. I am not, however, sure, that it is not just as convenient, because a member may state, in case they do not strike out the enacting words of a bill, that he will offer amendments, which he can suggest by way of argument, before the question of striking out is taken.

RECONSIDERATION.

Rule 44. When a motion has been once made, and carried in the affirmative or negative, it shall be in order for any member of the majority to move for the reconsideration thereof, on the same or the succeeding day; and such motion shall take precedence of all other questions, except ą motion to adjourn.

This motion, it will be seen, for nearly two days takes precedence of all motions, except adjourn.. ment. When I first entered congress, it was so nice a matter to know when you might be permitted by the chair to reconsider, that it was deemed expedient to give it the preference it now enjoys. Voting for a measure, merely to get the chance of reconsidering, is not within the meaning of the rule. They sometimes make the motion, and then postpone it. There is but one way, if it is intended for delay, to avoid the difficulty, and

that is, to call the previous question, and decide it at once. It seems an unjust exposition of the rule, to hang a bill up for a week, because an opponent votes for it, that he may have another thrust at it upon reconsideration. Perhaps, under all the circumstances, the previous question is. justly applicable to such a motion.

COMMITTEES.

The speaker appoints all committees, except such as are chosen by ballot. He names a majority usually of his own side, unless on unimpor tant committees. The first-named member is the chairman, of course, unless otherwise directed by the committee. It is in their power, it is true, to select their own chairman, but a majority being appointed, of the same caste with the first-named, he can always be elected, if he desire it.

Standing committees, unconnected with political questions, are, after all, much better than what are called select committees. They are usually selected on account of their kind feeling towards the object referred to them. A standing committee looks at a subject with an investigating eye; they need not be for a subject, nor against it; but in that just position that enables them fairly to examine it. I know it is said that gentlemen, friendly to a subject, should be appointed on it. If that was the invariable rule, committees would be utterly useless, as they would always

report favourably, and no one would have any faith in their reports.

In the house of representatives of the United States, a report of a standing committee is properly estimated by the members generally. Chosen as they are, at the opening of the session, they have no bias on their minds for or against many of the measures committed to them. With the exception of political questions, I should rely with great confidence on the report of a standing committee. They keep regular minutes of their proceedings, record all their reports, and look back, for a series of years, for authorities, in making up their judgments upon any case; whereas a select committee is chosen for the particular occasion, and generally entrusts the report to the gentleman who presents the petition referred to them, and who is at the head of the select committee.

From the necessity of the case, congress must have great faith in its standing committees. The members cannot examine minutely and individually for themselves, every thing that may come before them; they therefore leave much, and I think with great propriety, to standing committees. Even new members have the old committee book of reports to guide them, and the experience of old members on the committees to refer them to what has been said and done before, on many subjects that yearly come before them.

CALL OF THE HOUSE.

Upon the call of the house, the name of the members are called over by the clerk; those who

are present answer to their names and the absentees are noted, after which, the names of the absentees are again called over, when such as may have entered the house since the first call, can answer to their names. The speaker then orders the doors to be closed, and those for whom no excuse or insufficient excuses are made, may, by the order of those present, (if amounting to fifteen in number,) be taken into custody, as they appear, by the sergeant-at-arms, or may be sent for, and taken into custody wherever to be found, by special messengers appointed for that purpose.

A call of the house is very frequently commenced, and the proceedings afterwards suspended, when most if not all of the members are found to be in the house, on the call of absentees. It is one of the modes resorted to by the respective parties, to fill the house before a decision is had on any question of great interest. The call, however, is sometimes made to retain a quorum at the close of the session, and particularly at night. In instances of that kind, the members remaining in the house, frequently carry out the rules to the fullest extent, and compel members who have retired, to repair to the house, where they hear their excuses, and discharge some upon payment of fees, and others without, as their excuses may warrant. The fees of the sergeant-at-arms are, for every arrest, two dollars; for each day's custody, and releasement, one dollar; and for travelling expenses for himself, or a special messenger, going and returning, one-tenth of a dollar per mile.

Rule 9. In all cases of ballot by the house, the

speaker shall vote: in other cases he shall not vote, unless the house be equally divided, or unless his vote, if given to the minority, will make the division equal; and in case of such equal division, the question shall be lost.

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The speaker, by this rule, never votes on a bill or any proposition that requires a vote, viva voce, unless his vote will either pass or prevent the passage of the proposition before the house. Some think it a great hardship that the speaker should only be allowed to vote once or twice during the session. I am however inclined to think the presiding officer is well satisfied with the rule; it keeps him from unnecessarily coming in collision, upon every question, with the feelings of the respective parties in the house, while it gives him a vote whenever it is important that an individual should have a vote, and that is, when his vote will certainly tell. During even a long session, the speaker will not be called upon to give his casting vote more than two or three times at most. I recollect two speakers, at different times, giving their vote to second the previous question.

I have said elsewhere that the speaker is elected for the whole congress. In the early history of our congressional proceedings, I think, Mr. Muhlenberg was elected for only a single session.*

The

*"April 20, 1798. The speaker of the house of representatives being indisposed, the house elected the Hon. George Dent, speaker, pro tempore.

May 28, 1798. A message from the house was received by the senate, informing that body that the Hon. George Dent had been chosen speaker, pro tempore, and that he had signed an enrolled bill, which the clerk of the house was de