We have been more minute and particular in these events, in which Logan and Cornstock were engaged, than in many others; but I trust the reader of this history will not be displeased with such minuteness upon so important an event; especially as no work with which I am acquainted does the subject justice. It was truly a great event, both in respect to the parties engaged, and the consequences necessarily growing out of it, and it has been passed over too slightly by historians.

In respect to the speech of Logan, it would be highly gratifying if a few matters connected with it could be settled; but whether they ever will, time only can determine. From the statement of Dr. Barton,* before cited, we are led to expect that he had other documents than those he at that time published, going to show that Cresap was not the murderer of Logan's family, but he never published them, as I can learn, and he has left us to conjecture upon such as we have. Another author, † upon the authority of an officer who was at the time with Lord Dunmore, states that he heard nothing of Logan's charging Cresap with the murder of his kindred during the whole campaign, nor until a long time after. That it was not publicly talked of among the officers is in no wise strange, as Cresap himself was one of them; therefore, that this is evidence that no such charge was made by Logan, we think unworthy consideration.

Among other proofs, that the chief guilt lay upon the head of Cresap of bringing about a bloody war, since well known by his name, Judge Innes of Frankfort, Kentucky, wrote to Mr. Jefferson, 2 March, 1799, that he was, he thought, able to give him more particulars of that affair than, perhaps, any other person; that, in 1774, while at the house of Colonel Preston, in Fincastle county, Va., there arrived an express, calling upon him to order out the militia, "for the protection of the inhabitants residing low down on the north fork of Holston River. The express brought with him a war club, and a note tied to it, which was left at the house of one Robertson, whose family were cut off by the Indians, and gave rise for the application to Colonel Preston." Here follows the letter or note, of which Mr. Innes then made a copy, in his memorandum-book :—

"Captain Cresap, What did you kill my people on Yellow Creck for? The white people killed my kin at Conestoga,‡ a great while ago; and I thought nothing of that. But you killed my kin again, on Yellow Creek, and took my cousin prisoner. Then I thought I must kill too; and I have been three times to war since; but the Indians are not angry; only myself.”

It was signed, "Captain JOHN LOGAN."

Not long after these times of calamities, which we have recorded in the life of Logan, he was cruelly murdered, as he was on his way home from Detroit. For a time previous to his death, he gave himself up to intoxication, which in a short time nearly obliterated all marks of the great man!

The fate of Cornstock is equally deplorable, although in the contemplation of which, his character does not suffer, as does that of Logan. He was cruelly murdered by some white soldiers, while a hostage among them. And there is as much, nay, far more, to carry down his remembrance to posterity, as that of the tragical death of Archimedes. He was not murdered while actually drawing geometrical figures upon the ground, but, while he was explaining the geography of his country by drawings upon the floor, an alarm was given, which, in a few minutes after, eventuated in his death. We will now go into an explanation of the cause and manner of the murder of Cornstock. It is well known that the war of the revolution had involved all, or nearly all, of the Indians in dreadful calamities. In consequence of murders committed by the Indians on the frontiers of Virginia, several companies marched to Point Pleasant, where there had been a fort since the battle there in 1774. Most of the tribes of the north-west, except the Shawanees, were determined to fight against the Americans. Cornstock wished

*Med. and Phys. Jour. part ii. p. 162.

Withers, Chronicles, 136. Alluding, I suppose, to the massacre of the Conestoga Indians in 1763.

to preserve peace, and therefore, as the only means in his power, as he had used his powerful eloquence in vain, resolved to lay the state of affairs before the Americans, that they might avert the threatened storm. In the spring of 1777, he came to the fort at Point Pleasant, upon this friendly mission, in company with another chief, called Red-hawk. After explaining the situation of things with regard to the confederate tribes, he said, in regard to his own, the Shawanese, "The current sets [with the Indians] so strong against the Americans, in consequence of the agency of the British, that they [the Shawanese] will float with it, I fear, in spite of all my exertions." Upon this intelligence, the commander of the garrison thought proper to detain him and Red-hawk as hostages to prevent the meditated calamities. When Captain Arbuckle, the commander of the garrison, had notified the new government of Virginia of the situation of affairs, and what he had done, forces marched into that country. A part of them having arrived, waited for others to join them under General Hand, on whom these depended for provisions. Meanwhile the officers held frequent conversations with Cornstock, who took pleasure in giving them minute descriptions of his country, and especially of that portion between the Mississippi and Missouri. One day, as he was delineating a map of it upon the floor, for the gratification of those present, a call was heard on the opposite side of the Ohio, which he at once recognized as the voice of his son, Ellinipsico, who had fought at his side in the famous battle of Point Pleasant, in 1774, of which we have spoken. At the request of his father, Ellinipsico came to the fort, where they had an affectionate meeting. This son had become uneasy at his father's long absence, and had at length sought him out in his exile here; prompted by those feelings which so much adorn human nature. The next day, two men crossed the Kanhawa, upon a hunting expedition. As they were returning to their boat after their hunt, and near the side of the river, they were fired upon by some Indians, and one of the two, named Gilmore, was killed, but the other escaped. A party of Captain Hall's men went over and brought in the body of Gilmore; whereupon a cry was raised, "Let us go and kill the Indians in the fort." An infuriated gang, with Captain Hall at their head, set out with this nefarious resolution, and, against every ren onstrance, proceeded to commit the deed of blood. With their guns cocked, they swore death to any who should oppose them. In the mean time, some ran to apprize the devoted chiefs of their danger. As the murderers approached, Ellinipsico discovered agitation, which when Cornstock saw, he said, "My son, the Great Spirit has seen fit that we should die together, and has sent you to that end. It is his will, and let us submit." The murderers had now arrived, and the old chief turned around and met them. They shot him through with seven bullets. He fell, and died without a struggle!

Ellinipsico, though having at first appeared disturbed, met his death with great composure. He was shot upon the seat on which he was sitting when his fate was first disclosed to him.

Red-hawk was a young Delaware chief, and, like Ellinipsico, had fought under Cornstock. He died with less fortitude: having tried to secrete himself, he was soon discovered and slain. Another Indian, whose name is not mentioned, was mangled and murdered in the most barbarous manner. Suffice it here to say, that this was all that was effected by the expedition, and the forces soon after returned home.

Few, if any, chiefs in history are spoken of in terms of higher commendation than Cornstock. Mr. Withers, a writer on Indian affairs,* speaks as follows of him:

"Thus perished the mighty Cornstalk, sachem of the Shawanees, and king of the northern confederacy, in 1774,-a chief remarkable for many great and good qualities. He was disposed to be at all times the friend of white men, as he ever was the advocate of honorable peace. But when his country's wrongs 'called aloud for battle,' he became the thunderbolt of war, and made her oppressors feel the weight of his uplifted arm." "His noble bearinghis generous and disinterested attachment to the colonies, when the thunder

* In his "Chronicles," a work, it is our duty to remark, written with candor and judgment.

of British cannon was reverberating through the land-his anxiety to preserve the frontier of Virginia from desolation and death, (the object of his visit to Point Pleasant,) all conspired to win for him the esteem and respect of others; while the untimely and perfidious manner of his death, caused a deep and lasting regret to pervade the bosoms even of those who were enemies to his nation; and excited the just indignation of all towards his inhuman and barbarous murderers."

Colonel Wilson, present at the interview between the chiefs and Governor Dunmore in 1774, thus speaks of Cornstock :-"When he arose, he was in no wise confused or daunted, but spoke in a distinct and audible voice, without stammering or repetition, and with peculiar emphasis. His looks, while addressing Dunmore, were truly grand and majestic; yet graceful and attractive. I have heard the first orators in Virginia,—Patrick Henry and Richard Henry Lee, but never have I heard one whose powers of delivery surpassed those of Cornstalk."

Ten years after the bloody affair above related, an able writer upon those times says, "The blood of the great CORNSTOCK and of his gallant son was mingled with the dust, but their memory is not lost in oblivion." But how few at this day know of his fate, or even that such a chief ever existed! and, at the same time, the same persons would be indignant, were we to suppose them ignorant of the fate of the monster Pizarro.

We hear of one son who survived Cornstock, who was conspicuous in some early events of the revolution. He was a chief, and known among the whites by the name of the WOLF. He was a hostage, with three others, at Williamsburgh, when Governor Dunmore fled on board a man-of-war to escape the fury of the revolutionists. After the governor had got off, he sent for the Indians to come to him, which they did. He then explained to them the reason of his flight, and directed them to fly also, or they would surely be murdered the next day. They fled into the woods, and owing to the darkness of the night, lost one of their companions, and the Wolf and another soon after returned to Williamsburgh, and were well received by the inhabitants. The object of the governor was very obvious.

As great a warrior, perhaps, as any who have lived among the nations of the west, we shall in the next place proceed to give an account of. This was PONTIAK, a chief of the Ottoway nation, whose fame, in his time, was not alone confined to his own continent; but the gazettes of Europe spread it also. One who knew this chief, and the tribes over whom he had sway, thus speaks of them in 1765:-"The Indians on the lakes are generally at peace with one another, having a wide extended and fruitful country in their possession. They are formed into a sort of empire, and the emperor is elected from the eldest tribe, which is the Ottawawas, some of whom inhabit near our fort at Detroit, but are mostly further westward, towards the Mississippi. Ponteack is their present king or emperor, who has certainly the largest empire and greatest authority of any Indian chief that has appeared on the continent since our acquaintance with it. He puts on an air of majesty and princely grandeur, and is greatly honored and revered by his subjects."

In 1760, Major Rogers marched into his country, in fulfilling his orders of displacing the French, after the fall of Quebec. Apprized of his approach, Portiak sent ambassadors to inform him that their chief was not far off, and desired him to halt until he could see him "with his own eyes," and to inform him that he was the king and lord of the country.

Pontiak soon met the English officer, and demanded his business into his country, and how it came about that he dared enter it without his permission When the colonel told him he had no design against the Indians, and only wished to remove the French, their common enemy, and cause of all their trouble, delivering him at the same time several belts of wampum, Pontiak replied, "I stand in the path you travel in, until to-morrow morning," and gave him a belt. This communication was understood, and "was as much as to say," says the actor, "I must not march further without his leave."

In Carey's Museum, iv. 140.

Rogers's Account of North America, 240. Quebeis is an Algonquin word, signifying a Strait. Charlevoix.

The colonel continues: "When he departed for the night, he inquired whether I wanted any thing that his country afforded, and [if I did] he would send his warriors to fetch it. I assured him that any provisions they brought should be paid for; and the next day we were supplied by them with several bags of parched corn, and some other necessaries. At our second meeting, he gave me the pipe of peace, and both of us by turns smoked with it; and he assured me he had made peace with me and my detachment; that I might pass through his country unmolested, and relieve the French garrison; and that he would protect me and my party from any insults that might be offered or intended by the Indians; and, as an earnest of his friendship, he sent 100 warriors to protect and assist us in driving 100 fat cattle, which we had brought for the use of the detachment from Pittsburgh, by the way of PresqueIsle. He likewise sent to the several Indian towns on the south side and west end of Lake Erie, to inform them that I had his consent to come into the country. He attended me constantly after this interview till I arrived at Detroit, and while I remained in the country, and was the means of preserving the detachment from the fury of the Indians, who had assembled at the mouth of the strait, with an intent to cut us off. I had several conferences with him, in which he discovered great strength of judgment, and a thirst after knowledge."

This same officer observes, that he discovered much curiosity at their equipage, and wished to know how their clothes were made, and to learn thei: mode of war. He expressed a willingness to acknowledge the king of England, though not as his superior, but as his uncle, which he would acknowledge, as he was able, in furs. England was much in his thoughts, and he often expressed a desire to see it. He told Colonel Rogers that, if he would conduct him there, he would give him a part of his country.

He was willing to grant the English favors, and allow them to settle in his dominions, but not unless he could be viewed as sovereign; and he gave them to understand, that, unless they conducted themselves agreeably to his wishes, "he would shut up the way,” and keep them out. Hence it is fair, within the scope of the most reasonable conjecture, to conclude, that his final disaffection to the English was owing to their haughty carriage, and maltreatment of him and his people.

The principal scenes of his prowess were at Michilimakinak and Detroit. The French finally gave up possession in Canada, in 1760; but many of the Indian nations who had become attached to them were taught, at the same time, to hate the English. Pontiak was most conspicuous in his enmity, although, until he had united the strength of many tribes to his, he showed great kindness and friendship towards them. The Miamis, Ottawas, Chippewas, Wyandots, Pottowatomies, Mississagas, Shawanese, Ottagamies, and Winnebagoes, constituted his power, as, in after-time, they did that of Tecumseh.

There was more system employed by this distinguished man than, perhaps, by any other of his countrymen upon any similar undertaking, not excepting even Metacomet or Tecumseh. In his war of 1763, which is justly denominated "Pontiac's war," he appointed a commissary, and began to make and issue bills of credit, all of which he afterwards carefully redeemed. He made his bills or notes of bark, on which was drawn the figure of the commodity he wanted for it. The shape of an otter was drawn under that of the article wanted, and an otter was the insignia or arms of his nation. He had also, with great sagacity, urged upon his people the necessity of dispensing altogether with European commodities, to have no intercourse with any whites, and to depend entirely upon their ancient modes of procuring sustenance.*

Major Gladwin held possession of Detroit in 1763. Having been despatched thither by General Amherst, he had been informed by commissioners who had been exploring the country, that hostile feelings were manifested among the Indians, and he sent men on purpose to ascertain the fact, who, on their return, dissipated all fears.

"In 1763," says Major Rogers, "when I went to throw provisions into the

garrison at Detroit, I sent this Indian a bottle of brandy by a Frenchman. His counsellors advised him not to taste it, insinuating that it was poisoned, and sent with a design to kill him; but Ponteack, with a nobleness of mind, laughed at their suspicions, saying it was not in my power to kill him, who had so lately saved my life."*

Several traders had brought news to the fort at Michilimakinak, that the Indians were hostile to the English. Major Etherington commanded the garrison, and would believe nothing of it. A Mr. Ducharme communicated the information to the major, who was much displeased at it, “and threatened to send the next person who should bring a story of the same kind a prisoner to Detroit."

The garrison, at this time, consisted of 90 men, besides two subalterns and the commander-in-chief. There were also at the fort four English merchants. Little regard was paid to the assembling of sundry bands of Indians, as they appeared friendly; but when nearly 400 of them were scattered up and down throughout the place, "I took the liberty," says Mr. Henry, "of observing to Major Etherington, that, in my judgment, no confidence ought to be placed in them; in return, the major only rallied me on my timidity."

On the fourth of June, the king's birth day, the Indians began, as if to amuse themselves, to play at a favorite game of ball, which they called baggatiway, which is thus described by Mr. Henry:-"It is played with a bat and ball, the bat being about four feet in length, curved, and terminated in a sort of racket. Two posts are placed in the ground, at a considerable distance from each other, as a mile or more. Each party has its post, and the game consists in throwing the ball up to the post of the adversary. The ball, at the beginning, is placed in the middle of the course, and each party endeavors as well to throw the ball out of the direction of its own post, as into that of the adversary's. This farce drew many off their guard, and some of the garrison went out to witness the sport.

"The game of baggatiway, (he continues,) as from the description above will have been perceived, is necessarily attended with much noise and violence. In the ardor of contest, the ball, as has been suggested, if it cannot be thrown to the goal desired, is struck in any direction by which it can be diverted from that designed by the adversary. At such a moment, therefore, nothing could be less liable to excite premature alarm, than that the ball should be tossed over the pickets of the fort, nor that, having fallen there, it should be followed, on the instant, by all engaged in the game, as well the one party as the other, all cager, all striving, all shouting, all in the unrestrained pursuit of a rude athletic exercise." And this was their plan, while in the height of their game, to throw their ball within the pickets of the fort, and then all to rush in, and, in the midst of their hubbub, to murder the garrison; and it succeeded to their wishes. They struck the ball over the stockade, as if by accident, and repeated it several times, running in and out of the fort with all freedom, "to make the deception more complete ;" and then, rushing in in every direction, took possession of the place without the least resistance.

They murdered the soldiers, until their numbers were so diminished, that they apprehended nothing from their resistance; many of whom were ransomed at Montreal afterwards, at a great price. Seventy were put to death, and the other twenty reserved for slaves. A few days after, a boat from Montreal, without knowing what had happened, came ashore with English passengers, who all fell into the hands of the Indians. Pontiak was not personally concerned in this affair, but it was a part of his design, and, therefore, is very properly here related. A chief named Menehwehna was the commander in that affair. §

It was only 15 days from the time the first blow was struck, before Pontiak had taken possession of every garrison in the west except three. No less

* The Abbe Raynal, whom we followed in the former editions, (not then possessing Rogers's own account,) does not narrate this circumstance faithfully.

Travels in Canada, by Alexander Henry, Esq., from which the following account of the destruction of Michilimakinak is taken.

Carver's Travels, 19, 20. edit. 8vo. Lond. 1784.

§ Henry's Travels, ut supra.