vindication of the authority of the British parliament to im-. pose taxes in America. But then the taxes hitherto imposed, confifting of certain import and export duties, were invariably and profeffedly defigned for the mere purpose of commercial regulation. It is remarkable, that the trivial and incidental produce of thefe duties was not even appropriated by parliament, and it was never so much as fufpected that they would be quoted as cafes in point fhould a direct taxation be attempted. The project of Mr. Grenville, therefore, was of a nature perfectly novel. His avowed purpose was to raise a revenue in America in aid to the mother country, the entire produce of which was to be paid into the exchequer of Great Britain. This was a project in the higheft degree alarming to the Americans; for if the claim of England to tax the colonies for her own benefit, and at her own difcretion, was once admitted, a fyftem of oppreffion would be introduced, which from the irrefiftible tendencies of things would gradually become infupportably grievous; and which once established, no subsequent efforts would be able to deftroy. No question could perhaps be agitated of more difficult or doubtful difcuffion than the extent of the conftitutional authority of Great Britain over America. It had never been analyfed or defined: it was, indeed, in its own nature indefinable: it was only admitted in the general, that Great Britain poffeffed a difcretionary fuperintending power, pervading the whole empire, with respect to objects of great and common concern. This power had been invariably exercised with caution, prudence, and moderation; and the benefits arifing from it to the empire at large, and even to its colonies and dependencies feparately confidered, were fo manifeft, that no difpofition exifted to call in queftion the validity of its acts, or to fix precife limits to its dominion. It was a political problem thrown as it were into fhade, like various others, which it would be deemed highly imprudent to make the subject of a rigid or public fcrutiny. The precife extent of the prerogative of the crown, of the privileges

of

of parliament, of the jurisdiction of the different courts of judicature, who is competent to delineate? or who would deem it discreet or politic to create divifions and animofities in a state by a vain endeavor to ascertain questions, which folly and prefumption alone would without abfolute neceffity agitate? But the indefinite authority poffeffed by Great Britain over the colonies, an authority fo liable to abuse, so justly therefore the subject of jeaiousy, and which had maintained its full weight and energy, chiefly by the utility and propriety of its occafional exertions, it was now determined to put wildly and wantonly to the hazard by an attempt to exercise it in a mode abfolutely unprecedented, and in the highest degree alarming, unconstitutional, and dangerous.

On the 10th of March 1764, the house of commons, at the motion of the minifter, paffed a variety of refolutions, respecting certain new duties on foreign goods imported into the British colonies in America, which being primarily of the nature of commercial regulations, paffed without any diftinct or particular notice in the British parliament, though their equivocal complexion rendered them very diftasteful to the Americans. But in the series of parliamentary refolutions was one of fuch peculiar importance, that Mr. Grenville himself declared his intention to referve the execution of it till the next year. This refolution imported, that it would be proper to impofe certain STAMP DUTIES in the faid colonies and plantations, for the purpose of raifing an American revenue payable into the British exchequer. The profpect of being relieved by the taxation of America from a portion of the national burdens was fo agreeable to the intereft, and the unlimited exercise of authority fo flattering to the pride, of this affembly, that the refolution in queftion paffed the house with no violent or unusual oppofition. The dire effects of this measure it will be but too soon neceffary to explain. In the mean time it is material to remark, that according to the true principles of the constitution, even the produce of the duties impofed for the regula->

tion of commerce ought, in order to guard againft poffible and eventual abufe, to have been paid not into the British exchequer, but into the colonial treafuries. The act of the 6th George II. impofing duties of a fimilar kind on foreign rums, melaffes, &c. contained no clause of appropriation; and fo trivial was the produce of thefe duties, and fo evidently remote from any defign of railing a revenue, that no political alarm was in fact excited in confequence of that act. But the apprehenfions of the Americans were at this period completely awakened by the declarations of the minister; and even this exercise of authority founded on recent precedent, was now the caufe of jealoufy and uneafinefs. But ftill the greater fhare of the discontent attached to this meafure arofe from the extreme commercial inconvenience and embarraffment they immediately felt from the operation of the new duties; in confequence of which, the trade from time immemorial carried on with the Spanish and French colonies, though legalized to a certain degree, was loaded with fuch burdens, as virtually amounted to the annihilation of an intercourfe, which, however hitherto irregular, had been found by experience highly beneficial. As the heavy duties now impofed rendered on the one hand all legal commerce impracticable, on the other, the exceffive rigor of the regulations' accompanying them, the innumerable certificates, cockets, clearances, and affidavits required by the new revenue acts, fuddenly reduced the contraband traffic to a mere nullity. And the colonies, who had been accustomed to make a very large proportion of their returns to England in fpecie, received from the Spaniards, now found themfelves reduced to a fituation which left them ut→ terly deftitute of the means of pursuing the routine of the established system. The grand machine of commerce was difordered in one of its main-springs, and its curious and complicated movements were all at once alarmingly fufpended. The English minister, pofitive, conceited, and converfant only in the detail of bufinefs, thus difcovered, amidst the

very

very fuccefs of his projects, that original poverty of genius, which no acquifitions of knowledge, no experience, no industry can disguise or compensate.

On the 5th of October 1763 died, after a reign of thirty years, Auguftus III. king of Poland and elector of Saxony; and the election of a new monarch immediately engroffed the attention of the neighbouring powers. Although the elector, fon of the late king, immediately offered himself as a candidate for the vacant throne, it appeared that the interefts of the house of Saxony were on this occasion abandoned by those who had formerly fo efficaciously supported them. The empress of Ruffia, whofe ambitious and enterprifing spirit now began to develop itself, efpoufed with great warmth the pretenfions of count Poniatowski, a Polish nobleman, who had refided for fome time at Petersburg, and whom her imperial majesty had distinguished by very flattering marks of her favor. And the now declared her resolution, paradoxical as it might appear to the world, " to fupport the freedom of the Polifh election by force." The king of Pruffia, though his brother prince Henry had at first declared himself a candidate, was eafily induced to acquiesce in this defign of the emprefs-his principal object being to prevent the crown of Poland from becoming hereditary in the houfe of Saxony.

The court of Vienna, wearied and exhausted by the late war, though ftrongly biaffed in favour of the electoral family, would not openly oppofe this potent combination, being at prefent chiefly intent on fecuring the fucceffion of the imperial crown by an election of a king of the Romans in the perfon of the archduke Jofeph. The death of the elector of Saxony, which happened foon after that of his father, decided the conteft. A diet was fummoned by the archbishop of Gnefna, prince primate of Poland, on the 7th of May 1764, under the protection of the Ruffian forces. Count Branitzki, general of the crown, nevertheless, in conjunction with fixty-feven fenators and nuncios, figned a formal

proteft

protest against the validity of the diet, and with their partífans began to affemble troops. In return he was divefted of his office by the diet, and, being pursued by a fuperior force of Poles and Ruffians, was compelled to retire into Hungary. Many of the Polish mal-contents found refuge in Turkey, where the Imperial and French minifters had been affiduously employed in representing the proceedings of the diet as inimical to the interefts of the Porte.

On the 7th of September 1764, the pacta conventa agreeably to antient cufto being previously fettled, count Poniatowski was declared king of Poland and great duke of Lithuania, and as fuch was either willingly or reluctantly recognized by all the powers of Europe. Amongst the most early in their congratulations was the king of Pruffia, who, with his own hand, wrote upon this occafion a letter to the king of Poland, in a ftyle rarely adopted by fovereigns. "Your majefty, fays this great monarch, muft reflect, that from a man exalted by the voice of his equals from a subject to a king, every thing is expected that can adorn a crown. A king who is fo by birth, if he acts derogatory to his ftation, is a fatire only on himself; but an elected one, who behaves inconfiftent with his dignity, reflects difhonour alfo on his fubjects."

During the interregnum the afcendency acquired by Ruf fia in the affairs of Poland very strikingly appeared. In compliance with the requifition of the empiefs, the diet declared the inveftiture of prince Charles of Saxony, A. D. 1758, as duke of Courland, to be null and void; and acknowledged count Biron, whom her imperial majefty had re-inftated in the government, as the lawful duke, and decreed that the dignity fhould be perpetuated in the Biron family. At the fame time the republic formally agreed to give the title of emprefs to the Czarina, and that of king to his Pruffian majefty, upon his engaging NEVER to lay claim to POLISH PRUSSIA. It is however very remarkable, that the emprefs, who had declared herfelf protectress of the diffidents

or