fame now sounds through the world; a blast, that will reach the ears of the latest posterity. Surely such men may have a desire to be relieved from so oppressive a sensation: the remedy is within their own power; and if they will use it, while it throws off their disgrace, it will operate for the benefit of their country. Let them enquire of the president, what service they can render the state. To a rich planter, he would say, if you will send 20, 30, or 40 laborers to the public works, and for whom you shall be paid, you will do an essential service in a critical time. To another, if you will diligently overlook and push on the construction of such a battery, or line, you will merit the thanks of your fellow-citizens. To a third, if instead of hunting you will ride about your neighborhood, or a little beyond, and endeavor to instruct those who are ignorant of the importance of the public contest-reclaim the deluded, animate the timid-rouse the languid —and raise a spirit of emulation who shall exert himself most in the cause of freedom and America: you will deserve the applause of the continent. How many opportunities are there, for a man to distinguish himself; and to be beneficial to his country! | thus publicly lament, that not the least attention is paid to two important resolutions of our congress in June, 1775. One, that all absentees holding estates in this country, except the sick, and those above sixty, and under twentyone years of age, ought forthwith to returnthe other, that no person holding property in this country ought to withdraw themselves from its service, without giving good and sufficient reasons for so doing. The gentle voice of legislative recommendation is not regarded— must the legislature, in order to be heard, raise its voice to the tone of forfeiture? Our country stands in need of the advice, the countenance, the personal support of all those who have property in it. Nor is it just or reasonable, that any should enjoy ease and safety by continuing at a distance, while the people here have put their all at hazard. If we fail, they continue secure in life and estate; if we succeed, they, without toil or danger, reap every benefit we shall procure. I know some of those, who are absent, contrary to the recommendation of their country, nor am I so ungenerous as to attribute their absence to a disgraceful policy. But, even they must be so ingenuous as to admit that those who do not know them, have room to cast this reproach upon them, and to be dissatisfied at their conduct. It is necessary that I speak with boldness and plainness. In a time like this, that language should be as the thunder-not as the music of the spheres-and that I discourse to grand jurors of other things, besides their mere duties in a court of justice. Hence, upon other occasions have I reasoned upon the propriety of our revolution in March, 1776—upon the legal necessity of the American independence-and now, upon the situation of affairs. I do most earnestly recommend, that you urge these topics. when you blend yourselves again among your neighbors. In every station that I have had the honor to fill, I have counselled the most decisive measures; nor have I been sparing of my personal assistance in their exe Nor ought those who have labored much in the public defence, to sit down at ease, if they can perform other services. The enemy are repulsed in their attacks-they are at a stand -they seem stunned. Let us now collect our whole strength-one effort more and they must be crushed. We are warned to expect the enemy; and it is probable, the back country militia may be called to do duty in this town, during the ensuing winter. I wish to extend some aid to such of their families, as may be most distressed by their absence from home; and I do therefore declare, that I appropriate my last year's salary for that service. I am endeavoring to raise a spirit of emulation among my countrymen-the ungenerous will attribute this appropriation to other motives-I know the world too well to doubt it. But, let such follow their inclinations-Icution! The public service requires an unrely upon the integrity of my conduct. I ought to endeavor to discharge my duty to the public; nor is it a consideration with me, that my conduct in the prosecution of my duty, may expose me to a reproach of vanity or in-proach our conduct. gratitude; a want of sympathy for those in distress or natural affection; I am always satisfied, when I know that I do not deserve such censures. I feel for those, who feel disagreeable effects from my conduct: but, among the many things I regret, I cannot but wearied application, unabating vigor, and a readiness to make the greatest sacrifices. I firmly trust, that we shall act as men; and that posterity will have no just cause to re THE PRESENTMENTS OF THE JURY. At a court of GENERAL SESSIONS OF THE GENERAL GAOL DELIVERY, begun and hol- Presentments of the grand jury for the said district. I. We the grand jurors of said district, think it our duty to present as a great grievance, that most of the magistrates in the commission of the peace for Charleston refuse to act, by means whereof many criminals, particularly slaves, escape punishment, to the great encouragement of crimes and offences: And we are of opinion, that this remissness in the magistrate, is owing to the law disallowing any fees for the most salutary services to the public. II. We present as a grievance, the number of voluntary absentees from this state now in Europe, men of large possessions, that they are not particularly ordered to return, and join their countrymen, in the present contest for liberty and independence. ADDRESS TO THEIR EXCELLENCIES RICHARD VIS- CHARLESTON, S. C., October 23, 1776. MY LORD AND SIR-Your declaration at New York has reached this place. It has occasioned surprise and concern. The known honor and abilities of your excellencies, and your declaration, appear perfect contrasts. The latter is an unnatural production. Hurt, as I am to see your names so prostituted, I cannot restrain myself from making a few remarks to your excellencies upon a subject which, by endangering your reputation, distresses every generous mind. I shall first state your declaration. "BY RICHARD VISCOUNT HOWE, of the kingdom of Ireland, and WILLIAM HOWE, Esq. general of his majesty's forces in America, the king's COMMISSIONERS for restoring peace to his majesty's colonies and plantations in North America, etc. etc. DECLARATION. Although the congress, whom the mis III. We present, by the information of Mr. Benjamin Edings, that the public road leading from Slann's island to Edisto island, has never been finished, (for want of commis-guided Americans suffer to direct the opposisioners) and is now in such bad order, that it is difficult for the inhabitants to pass over, very and which may be very detrimental in case of any invasion or other emergency, and hope that due attention may be had in remedying this evil. IV. We return our thanks to his honor the chief justice, for his excellent and patriotic charge delivered at the opening of this sessions, and beg the same, with our presentments, may be forthwith printed and published. Edward Lightwood, foreman, [L. S.] [L. S.] [L. S.] [L. S] John Webb, John Creighton, Henry Samwayes, [L. S.] tion to a re-establishment of the constitutional government of these provinces have disavowed every purpose of reconciliation not consonant with their extravagant and inadmissible claim of independence, the king's commissioners think fit to declare that they are equally desirous to confer with his majesty's well the public tranquility, and establishing a peraffected subjects upon the means of restoring manent union with every colony as a part of the British empire. The king being most graciously pleased to direct a revision of such of his royal instructions to his governors as may be construed to lay an improper restraint on the freedom of legislation in any of his colonies, and to concur in the revisal of all acts by which his majesty's subjects there may think themselves aggrieved, it is recommended to the inhabitants at large, to reflect seriously upon their present condition and expectations, and judge for themselves, whether it be more consistent with their honor and happiness to offer up their lives as a sacrifice to the unjust and precarious cause in which they are engaged, or return to their allegiance, accept the blessings of peace, and to be secured in a free en joyment of their liberties and properties upon the nature of things place any confidence-a true principles of the constitution. government that you are sensible has been, Given at New York, 19th September, 1776. now is, and ever must be jealous of our pros And now, not to detain your excellencies by making observations upon lord Howe's not assuming his military title, displaying the nature of his supreme hostile command in America, by which unusual and designed omission, the ignorant, seeing his name contrasted with that of a general clothed in all his terrors, may be entrapped to believe that his lordship is to be considered in a more amiable point of view, a mere commissioner only for restoring peace, without any military command to intimidate and coerce. Not to wound your delicacy, by admiring the wisdom of your appealing from the congress to people confessed by you to be directed by that honorable assembly: My remarks shall be confined to the more material parts of your declaration, which I am sorry to say, are in every respect unworthy your good sense and high characters. 64 Your excellencies "think fit to declare," that you are desirous of restoring the public tranquility." But is the end your excellencies aim at our honor and advantage? Is it to give a free scope to our natural growth? Is it to confirm to us our rights by the law of nature? No! It is to cover us with infamy. It is to chill the sap, and check the luxuriance of our imperial plant. It is to deprive us of our natural equality with the rest of mankind, by establishing "every state "as a part of the British empire." In short your excellencies invite men of common sense to exchange an independent station for a servile and dangerous dependence! But, when we recollect that the king of Great Britain has, from the throne, declared his firm and steadfast resolutions to withstand every attempt to weaken or impair the supreme authority of that legislature over all the dominions of his crown:" that his hirelings in parliament and tools in office, abhorred by the English nation, have echoed the sentiment; and that America, for ten years has experienced that king's total want of candor, humanity, and justice—it is, I confess, a matter of wonder, that your excellencies can submit to appear so lost to decency as to hold out sub- | jection as the only condition of peace: and that you could condescend to sully your personal honor, by inviting us to trust a government in which you are conscious we cannot in perity and natural growth-a government that you know is absolutely abandoned to corruption! Take it not amiss, if I hint to your excellencies, that your very appearing in support of such a proposal, furnishes cause to doubt even of your integrity; and to reject your allurements, lest they decoy us into slavery. The declaration says, 'the king is most graciously pleased to direct a revision of such of his royal instructions to his governors," etc. and to concur in the revisal of all acts by which his majesty's subjects may think themselves aggrieved." But what of all this. Your excellencies have not told the people, who think themselves aggrieved," that they are to be a party in the revision. You have not even told them who are to be revisors. If you had, it would be nothing to the purpose; for you have not, and cannot tell them and engage that even any of the instructions and acts, being revised, shall be revoked, and repealed; particularly those by which people “may think themselves aggrieved." But, if such are not to be repealed, why have you mentioned "think themselves aggrieved?" If they are intended to be repealed, why did not your excellencies come to the point at once and say so?—It is your excellencies are by your superiors precipitated into a dilemma. You have not been accustomed to dirty jobs, and plain dealing does not accord with your instructions; otherwise, in the latter case, I think you are men of too much sense and honor to have overlooked or suppressed so material a point of information. However, you say instructions and acts are to be revised: We see that you have laid an ambuscade for our liberties; the clause is carefully constructed without the least allusion to the revisors, or to the words redress, revoke, repeal. In short, it appears to be drawn up entirely on the plan of a declaration by king James the Second after his abdication, as confidentially explained by James' secretary of state, the earl of Melford to lord Dundee, in Scotland. For Melford writes to Dundee "that notwithstanding of what was promised in the declaration, indemnity and indulgence, yet he had couched things so that the king would break them when he pleased; nor would he think himself obliged to stand to them." And your excellencies have couched things so," that more words upon this subject are unnecessary. "It is recommended to the inhabitants at large, to reflect seriously upon their present condition." Is it possible your excellencies | commanded. Nor can you boast much of the action on New-York island on the 15th of September, when a few more than 800 Americans, attacking three companies of light troops supported by two regiments, the one Scotch, the other Hessian, drove them from hill to hill back to your lines, and carried off three pieces of brass cannon as trophies of their victory. And when general Washington, on the second of October, caused a large detachment to draw up to Harlaem plains to cover the inhabitants between the two armies, while they carried off their effects, the march and continuance of the British troops in order of battle, within long shot, without firing a gun to interrupt the service, is at least some slight degree of evidence that they respect and stand in awe of the American arms. In short, without being unrea can be serious, and mean any thing by this recommendation? Can you be ignorant, that ever since the birth of the stamp act, the in- | habitants at large have been reflecting upon their deplorable condition? Can you have an idea that, after such a length of time, during which they have been continually kept to their reflections, by the declaratory law, the tea-act, the Boston port-bill, and those then passed to | annihilate the charter of Massachusetts-Bay, the Quebec bill to establish popery, the fisherybill to coerce by famine, the British commencement of the late civil war, and the act of parliament in December last, declaring the inhabitants rebels-I say after such a series of causes | for reflection, and that your excellencies now find us in arms against you, determined on independence or death, can you possibly enter-sonable, I think I may be allowed to say, that tain an idea that we have not reflected seriously? On the contrary you know, that we are prepared to offer up our lives in evidence of our serious reflections! In addressing a world you ought to have some attention to the pro-ent condition," and abandon “the unjust cause priety of your recommendations, if only from a regard to your own reputation. You are pleased to term our cause "unjust." In this there is nothing so surprising, as your being lured to give such a sentiment under your hands-signing your own disgrace with posterity. You know, that the virtuous characters throughout Europe, on this point differ with your excellencies; and I most respectfully submit, whether there is not some little degree of presumption in your signing an opinion, in contradiction to the opinion of thousands, who, without derogating from your excellencies, are at least as well able to judge upon the point as you are? But you add, that our cause is " precarious." Allow me to make a proper return to your excellencies by informing you, that all the affairs of men are precarious, and that war is particularly so. However, if your excellencies meant to insinuate that our cause is precarious from an inability in us to maintain it, I beg leave to ask general Howe what progress his arms made during his command at Boston: And what shining victories, and important conquests you have achieved since your junction at Staten Island? The eulogium, -quo fulmina belli Scipiadas cannot yet be applied to your excellencies. General Howe's repulse from the lines on Long Island, and his victory over the advanced guard of 3000 men, reflect no great degree of glory on the corps of at least 12,000 that he | these particulars do not show, that our cause is so precarious as your excellencies would insinuate it to be; and to recommend that your excellencies "reflect seriously upon your pres in which you are engaged" while you yet may preserve your reputation from the reproaches of posterity. Your excellencies call upon the inhabitants at large "to return to their allegiance." It is as if you had commanded a body of troops to advance to the assault, before you had put them in order of battle. I tell your excellencies, that protection must precede allegiance; for the latter is founded on the benefit of the former. That the operations of the forces by sea and land under your orders, demonstrate that your king is not our protector. And, that the allegiance of America to the king of Great Britain is now utterly out of the question. But you attempt to allure the inhabitants by telling them they may "be secured in a free enjoyment of their liberties and properties, upon the true principles of the constitution." Will your excellencies tell us where those principles are to be found? You must say they are not to be found in the present British government. Do we not know that the majority of the two houses of parliament are absolutely under the king of Great Britain's direction ?—They make and repeal laws; they agree with or reject motions; they vote money even without limitation of sum at the pleasure of that king's minister, in whose pay they actually are; and your ex cellencies as men of honor dare not deny these things. Will you then say that, where there is such a dependence, the true principles of the constitution operate?. The history of the present reign, all Europe, would witness against you. Those principles have been long despised by the rulers, and lost to the people-otherwise, even at the commencement of the present reign, we should not have seen the dismission of the virtuous chancellor of the exchequer, Legge, because he would not quit his seat in parliament at the instigation of the last prince of Wales; nor the massacre in St. George's fields and the royal thanks to the assassins; nor the repeated and unredressed complaints to the throne; nor the unheard of profusion of the public treasure, far exceeding the extravagance of a Caligula or a Nero; nor the present ruinous situation of Great Britain; nor the present war in America, for the worst of purposes kindled by your king. Can your excellencies be so wanting to yourselves, as, at this time of day, on the part of your master, seriously to talk to us of a security upon the true principles of the constitution. Did it never strike you that the Americans would expect to see such principles operating in England, before they could be duped into a belief that America could possibly feel their effects from the dark recess of the royal palace? The lord mayor of London has openly charged lord North, and the lords of the admiralty, with licensing ships to trade to all parts of America, in direct disregard, contempt, and defiance of an act of parliament | to the contrary, passed so late as December last. And yet your excellencies do not scruple to talk to us of a security upon the true principles of the constitution!-Let the fountain be sweet, and then its stream may be salutary. we not instead of "peace” to read tyranny? You seem armed at all points for this purpose; and your very language detects the latent design. But you are commissioners, and for the important purpose of" restoring peace," you are honored with a power-" to confer." And you have condescended to be mere machines through which, as through speaking trumpets, words are to be sounded from America to Britain! How much lower is it possible for your excellencies to degrade yourselves in the eyes of the world! By this it is most evident, the British king has not one generous thought respecting America. Nor does he mean to grant terms upon the true principles of the constitution. For, if to grant such terms was bona fide the intention of your master, without doubt you would have been vested with competent powers. But he plainly means to grant nothing he can possibly avoid; and therefore he would have the matter of negotiation drawn into length under his own eye. Can we place any confidence in such a prince? His aim is to divide, not to redress and your excellencies, declaration is but a continuation of lord North's conciliatory plan. Thus, while we remember that lord North declared, on the 20th of February, 1775, that his famous conciliatory plan was rather calculated to break a link in the American chain of union, than to give satisfaction to the people : and that the exercise of the right of taxing every part of the British dominions must by no means be given up; that lord Mansfield, on the third reading of the bill declaring war against Your excellencies say "the king is most gra- the united colonies, affirmed that he did not ciously pleased to direct a revision" of instruc- consider who was originally in the wrong, they tions and acts. If you really mean to con- were now to consider only where they were, ciliate, why will you insult the inhabitants at and the justice of the cause must now give way large. It was "the king's" bounden duty to to their present situation: when we consider have directed, not only a revision, but an the king of Great Britain's speech to the parliaamendment to his instructions; and to have ment on the last of November, and the comrecommended a repeal of the acts when the mons' address and his answer on the 7th of people first complained of them. But he, December, 1774—the commons' address of the having been criminally deaf to the cries of 9th of February, 1775, and the royal answer: the injured, to terrify them into silence, having and the speech from the throne at the last burnt their towns-restrained their trade-opening of the parliament, October the 26th, seized and confiscated their vessels-driven 1775-all declaring an unalterable purpose to them into enormous expenses-sheathed his maintain the supreme authority of that legislasword in their bowels-and adorned the heads ture over all the dominions of the crownof their aged women and children with a cincin other words, their unalterable purpose, to ture made by the scalping-knife of his ally, the bind us in all cases whatsoever : when we see Indian savage-you now tell these injured peo- your hostile array and operations, in conseple, that the king is graciously pleased to di- quence of those declarations: I say, when we rect a revision?"-His very mercies are insults! consider these things, we can be at no loss to And so your excellencies, besides your mili- form a just idea of the intentions of your king: tary commands as admiral and general, are or to conceive what your excellencies mean, by also commissioners for restoring the peace." the true principles of the constitution." Nor Is there not some error in this title? Ought are we to be caught by any allurements your |