begged, however, to declare, that he, for one, was not yet ripe to adopt such a strong measure. His faculties were in a state of suspension by what he had heard, which allowed him not to say what was most proper. The hesitation of eight and forty hours could not much affect the business of the country one way or other; and this was a respite which every aspect which could be taken of public affairs abundantly justified. But he solemnly and earnestly entered his protestation against imputing to this conduct, which originated in delicacy for the honour of the House, any thing like a desire to put off the supplies. He knew the necessity of these, and no man could be more averse than he was to do any thing that must prove distressing to the country.

Why, then, were the House of Commons so circumstanced by the obstinacy of his majesty's ministers, or the advisers of his majesty, as that they could not preserve their own rights, the rights of the constitution, or the rights of the people, without such an assertion of their prerogative as must be attended with the most serious mischief? Who were to blame for all this, but those who defied a majority of parliament, and set up their own sagacity in opposition to the collected wisdom of the House? He was sincerely sorry any individual should so far forget his consequence, however respectable, as to think it beneath him to submit not to any personal etiquette, but to the honour of the House, to that voice which had always prevailed in the purest times of this country, to that decision which no minister till now had ever the hardihood to contest, to that constitution which it had always been the greatest glory of the greatest men to venerate and obey. What, then, was the principle on which we beheld at this moment a ministry without the confidence of the House of Commons? An executive government in which the House placed no degree of trust whatever? How could a phenomenon in the constitution be accounted for on those great and liberal principles which had ever been its proudest distinction? He was unwilling to adopt any language that might be capable of misconstruction; but it was fair and manly to say, that the design of ruling this country without the voice of the people was now obvious. He would readily absolve the right honourable gentleman from any imputation of this sort, but he would not so readily absolve those who had secretly advised his majesty to appoint a set of men to the executive government of this country in opposition to a majority of the House of Commons. These persons, whoever they were, had adopted a system of politics totally inconsistent with the functions of that House, hostile indeed to the spirit and character of a free government. It was their

evident intention to render the House of Commons the mere tool and organ of despotism. He hoped the spirit of a brave and a free people would defeat the base design; but the design would not appear the less dark and disingenuous that it was not permitted to succeed.

He had long observed the machinations, hatched and harboured by a combination of persons, against the liberty of this country, whose political principles were too well understood to need any farther illustration. These persons had long endeavoured to have the voice of the people on their side, had long struggled to make the people parties in their own ruin, had long endeavoured to make them at enmity with their best friends, and to persuade them that those only who ran every risk, and sacrificed every thing desirable on their account, were most hostile to their interest, and least inclined, as well as least able, to do them any real service. This was one of their most capital manoeuvres, which they were playing off in the face of a country bleeding at every pore, and under circumstances which rendered us the derision and contempt of all the world. But how was it meant to demolish the consequence and utility of this House? Had they not resisted every idea of delicacy which ought to have operated in favour of that majority which opposed the ministers they had put in, and continued to support? Had they not trifled with the voice and inclinations of the House, so forcibly and explicitly announced by the several resolutions in the Journals? Had they not procrastinated that issue which the business of the public and the wishes of the House had so long and repeatedly urged, till the patience of the House was nearly exhausted? He hoped that virtue would prove superior to the temptations it had now to encounter, though, as all delicacy was over with one branch of the legislature, some might think it ought also to be at an end with another. He was of a different opinion, and held it to be their duty to continue in the same prudent and respectful temper in which they had begun. Notwithstanding the plan laid to precipitate them into an immediate refusal of such supplies as were necessary for carrying on the public business, he was not without hopes that the House would act such a part as would justify them to their constituents. Whether they should go immediately into a decision which should finally settle the dispute between the privileges of parliament and the prerogatives of the crown, or whether some anterior step might not be deemed more eligible: what this would be, whether two or two hundred expedients might be most adviseable, were, in the present state of his mind, questions to which he dared not hazard an answer. He would only say,

in general, that whatever had the most distant promise of an swering any pacific purpose, he, for one, would be anxious to adopt, and, if possible, by every expedient which human sagacity could suggest, to avoid altogether a discussion so hostile to public tranquillity.

He wondered by what principle the right honourable gentleman could reconcile his present situation to the feelings of his own mind. He was satisfied he could not be where he was from choice. Was every one, then, who saw and admired the display of his great and splendid abilities, more sensible of their present improper application than he was? He certainly meant no personal disrespect, and he persuaded himself the right honourable gentleman would not take it in that light, when he suspected he was the dupe of those who were enemies to the constitutional importance of that House. They pre

sumed on his youth, the popularity which attended the family to which he belonged, and the illustrious name which he bore; and were he to use the same freedom in that House which one friend might use to another, and in a room with the right honourable gentleman alone, he would address him on the present contest in these words-"You are contending in the House of Commons not for the prerogatives of the crown or the constitution, connected with the exercise of these prerogatives, but for a set of men, who are only making you the instrument of their ambition, and that object gained, they will make you nobody. It is their intention to make you only an accessary to their own plans, and whenever their schemes are fulfilled, they will destroy your utility for ever. They make you exert your utmost endeavours to pull down this asylum of liberty, but you unadvisedly involve yourself in its ruins."-If therefore ministers were determined to brave the power of parliament, and oppose their own personal feelings to the honour of the House and the welfare of the people, they must abide by the consequence. The principle on which they acted was an everlasting bar to any prospect of unanimity in that house. He was alarmed more by this than any other circumstance whatever. It ever had presented to his mind a menacing aspect to the liberties, not of the House only, but of the country. It affected that great vital and active principle in the constitution on which all the privileges of Englishmen hung; and while that impediment remained, no coalescence could be expected. It placed an ocean between them, which it was impossible to pass, and put every wish of agreement or connection altogether out of the question.

These were a few of the circumstances which at present pressed on his mind the absolute necessity of a solemn pause. This question itself was a question of the last impor

tance, when stated in an abstract and general point of view. He was, however, happy to find that the particular species of supply now moved was not immediately indispensable, and that no material disadvantage could possibly happen, at least for the very short space to which he wished the House to adjourn. He shuddered to debate a proposition of such magnitude.

"Tempus inane peto, requiemque spatium furori.”

He wished only for such a pause as would allow gentlemen time to re-consider all the steps which had been taken, or might be farther necessary to put a proper period to the contest which had unhappily so long interrupted the business of the public; and concluded with moving that instead of "now," the report be received on Friday, the 20th instant.

The mention of refusing the supplies was received by the other side of the House as a threat, which even the utmost madness of faction could not seriously design to execute. The very right of such a refusal was questioned. The exercise of this privilege, in former times, was founded on principles which, it was contended, did not now exist. The settled revenues of the crown were then sufficient for all the ordinary purposes of the executive government, without an annual application to parliament; and it was only on extraordinary demands, such as for the prosecution of wars disapproved of by parliament, that the right of refusal was exercised; whereas, in the present state of our government, to deny the ordinary annual supply, would be, in fact, to dissolve the whole fabric of government. Mr. Pitt, without denying the right of refusing supplies in cases of necessity, contented himself with appealing to the justice of the House, whether his majesty's refusal to dismiss his ministers, because that House had thought proper to condemn them without a trial, was a justifiable ground for the exercise of it.

The House divided on Mr. Fox's motion for postponing the sup

plies:

YEAS

Tellers.

(Lord Maitland 208.-NOES
}

Mr. Byng

Tellers.
Mr. Macdonald

Ministers were consequently left in a minority of twelve.

196.

MR. Powys's MOTION, THAT THE HOUSE RELIES ON THE KING'S READINESS TO FORM AN UNITED AND EFFICIENT ADMINISTRATION.

February 20.

MR. R. Powys moved, "That this House, impressed with the most dutiful sense of his majesty's paternal regard for the welfare of his people, relies on his majesty's royal wisdom, that he will take such measures as may tend to give effect to the wishes of his faithful Commons, which have already been most humbly represented to his majesty." To this it was afterwards, on the motion of Mr. Eden, agreed to add, " by removing any obstacle to the formation of such an administration as this House has declared to be requisite in the present critical and arduous situation of public affairs."

. Mr. Fox said, the question was of too much importance for him to give a silent vote upon it, especially after what had fallen in the course of the debate; before, however, he proceeded to touch upon any of the various topics that had been brought forward, he could not but express his satisfaction at the debate having been carried on as it had been by country gentlemen, by men perfectly independent in principle, and known to have no view to office, nor any motive whatever, but a wish to promote the public welfare. The opinions of such characters must at all times have their weight with that House and with the nation; it had therefore afforded him particular pleasure to hear the motion so fairly discussed; and he could not but think, that it would tend more effectually to open the eyes of the public, than any arguments he could advance, or all the oratory of both sides of the House combined could produce.

In the progress of the contest that had engaged their attention for some weeks past, the ministers and their friends had studiously endeavoured to load him and those who did him the honour to think with him, and to act accordingly, with all the unpopularity and all the odium, that art could imagine, and malice impute. Thus, from day to day, new colours for their conduct were held out, equally fallacious and foreign from the true motives of their proceedings, but all equally tending to mislead, confound, and delude. The point most laboured at by the other side of the House was, to charge them with having stopped the supplies, and thereby not only very considerably impeded the progress of the public business, but given a fatal blow to the national credit. A charge more serious could scarcely be suggested, but a charge