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not oppose it, there was no occasion for him to enter into any detail of argument in defence of the proposition; some things, however, had dropt from the noble lord, on which he must animadvert. But he must first beg leave to say, that he was one of those who were completely and totally dissatisfied with the answer of the crown to the address of that House. When he spoke in this manner, he would undoubtedly be understood to mean, that he was dissatisfied with the answer which his majesty's ministers had advised his majesty to give. It was the answer of the ministers, and among others, of that minister who had, on that day, been heard to declare, that he disapproved of the resolution of the House on which the address was founded; they had put an answer into the mouth of his majesty which he could not approve of, because it was not an answer sufficiently clear and specific. For what did it say? That his majesty would be graciously pleased to put an end to the offensive war carried on in America, for the purpose of reducing the Americans to obedience by force? No. But that his majesty would take such measures as shall appear to him (that is, as shall appear to his ministers) conducive to the restoration of harmony. Could this be satisfactory? Parliament had pointed out the specific means by which to accomplish the object; namely, by putting an immediate stop to offensive war; but his majesty's ministers, instead of declaring in their answer that they would guide themselves by this advice, make his majesty declare that they will take such steps as appear to them conducive to the object. He was not in the House when the motion for an address of thanks was agreed to, as he understood, unanimously; if he had, notwithstanding what he had just said, he should have voted for it, for he was careful to distinguish between the obligation that was due to his majesty personally for the grace of his answer (and he sincerely believed that his majesty was, in his royal mind, most graciously disposed to restore the blessings of peace to his unhappy people), and those ministers who wished to make the crown follow a plan of conduct directly opposite to the advice of his faithful commons. This answer of the ministry, coupled with their language in that House, was perfectly intelligible; for here they declared, and particularly the minister for the American department, that the best way to conclude a peace with America was to make them feel the calamities of war. This expression the new secretary of state (Mr. Ellis) had made use of but a few days before. His majesty, he sincerely believed, wished to conclude peace with America, as his faithful Commons had advised him; but his ministers undoubtedly meant no such thing, for their language was different.

VOL. II.

But the noble lord had said, that he never would, nor should any man presume to act in contradiction to the voice of the majority of that House; nor dare to call it in question; nor dare to abuse it, in any shape. For his own part, he must claim to himself the right of declaring his opinion freely and fully of the conduct of parliament, in discharge of his own conscience, and of his duty. When majorities acted wrong in his opinion, he would, both within that House and out of it, declare his disapprobation of their conduct: but the noble lord pronounced it, as the indispensable duty of a minister to hold the decision of the majorities of that House in the strictest reverence. Had he always done so? Did he not remember the vote of a majority of that House, declaring that the influence of the crown ought to be diminished? What, then, was his duty upon that occasion? Surely, to second the endeavours of that majority to reduce the influence. Did he so? No. He there counteracted, opposed, and at last defeated and destroyed the desire of that House; nay, he advised the crown, in a shameful manner, to dissolve the parliament before its regular period, lest they should, in another session, carry into execution the resolutions of a former. Did he not, by his conduct, bring upon that House the disgrace and ignominy of having declared what was their duty, and afterwards failed to perform it?

If the noble lord sought for credit in his declarations of respect for the decision of majorities, let him now come to the resolution of the 6th of April, 1780, and reduce the influence of the crown, and then he would be considered as a fair man; but the noble lord would otherways incur the censure of saying things in argument which he by no means meant to abide by. His situation was truly embarrassing. He had said in debate the other evening, and he had said it by way of menace, that if the voice of the House should be against him, that was undoubtedly by being against the principle and system of his administration, he would no longer continue in place. The House had been against him; the majority of the House was against him; and still the noble lord kept his place. Such was his respect for majorities, and such the credit that ought to be given to his declarations in that House! But it was no way strange, that he should now affect to pay regard to the decision of majorities; he stood in a situation which, he would be bound to say, had not been precedented since the revolution; he remained in place when the House had condemned the system. Being then to carry on measures contrary to his own opinion, what must be done? When he went into his sovereign's presence,

he must address him in language to the following effect:"I am come, Sire, to advise you to a measure, which is expressly contrary to my own opinion, and to all I ever told you; but, however, it is the opinion of a majority of the House of Commons." The noble lord was to gather every thing from the opinion of that House, since he seemed resolved to carry on measures of which he disapproved, if this country should be so reduced, so poor in spirit, or so indifferent as to suffer a minister to have the conduct of affairs in a moment so dangerous as the present, when he dared not to execute his own plans.

The free, uncorrupt voice of the majority of that House was, indeed, respectable. He did respect it; and respecting it, he must condemn and despise the majorities of another description, which the minister had procured by means of corruption. When he saw a majority, composed of contractors, whom a majority of that House had previously declared to be ineligible to sit there, he could not respect that majority. The House having, by solemn resolutions, declared contractors, the lords of trade, and certain other officers of the state, incapable of sitting in that House, he could not afterwards respect a majority made up of those men alone. He thanked God that the House of Commons had come to the resolutions of Friday last. Whatever were their present effects, they must, in the end, be decisive; for they had, by those resolutions, broken, destroyed and annihilated the principle and basis of the present system; they had overcome corruption; and the system, thus deprived of its foundation, must crumble into pieces. It was impossible to believe that the ministry could be so daring and profligate as to go on after what had happened on Wednesday last; they could not have the presumption, surely, after the tidings that had come that day; they could not be impudent enough to go on. That day they had heard that the important island of Minorca was lost; that the garrison, consisting of 1500 men, had surrendered prisoners of war; and that there were circumstances in the loss of this island, which made it particularly criminal in ministers; for, besides the loss of the garrison, he understood that there were several regiments now on their way to relieve the place. In the last war, the loss of this important fortress and island drove a much greater ministry than the present from their seats. The nation would not then suffer loss, disgrace, and calamity, without calling their rulers to a severe account. Would they now suffer loss after loss, disaster after disaster? Were they so habituated to defeat? Had ministry made them so familiar with sorrow that they could now bear loss without a complaint?

He hoped not. He had heard that day another report; he sincerely hoped it was not true; he had no other reason for believing it, but the probability, that the most important island remaining to us in the West Indies, except Jamaica, he meant St. Kitt's, was taken. He desired ministers to inform the House, if it was true that this calamity also had come upon us; and where they meant to stop; when they would confess that they had done enough. From his soul, he believed, that such was their accursed obstinacy, that even when they had lost nine-tenths of the king's dominions, they would not be satisfied till they had mangled and destroyed the last miserable tenth also pride and obstinacy were so predominant in their nature!

He could not help observing with pleasure, the triumph of men in every quarter, on the resolutions of the House on Wednesday last. The exultation, the triumph, the hope, painted and expressed in every countenance, was a test of the desire which they had for the object recommended in that House, and the consequences that it had produced on the funds, and on the credit of the nation, were also inconceivable. The people saw or heard of our triumphs without emotion. They heard of the victories obtained by his majesty's ministers without gladness. The stocks remained the same, the faces of men wore the same gloom; but on the instant that a victory was gained over his majesty's ministers, whom they considered as the greatest enemies of their country, their joy was immoderate, the funds were immediately advanced, and the credit of the nation raised, because there was a prospect of the ministry going out of place. All yet would be well in their conception, if this should be brought about. When the noble lord, two years ago, brought in a bill for conciliatory propositions with America, the funds were not affected; they hoped for no benefit from any thing that he should undertake; but when the parliament declared it, they instantly proclaimed 66 now that the minister is beaten the country may be saved." He professed that, though he could not thank God for the many calamities which had overtaken this unhappy land, in consequence of the fatal system by which the king and people had been deluded, he still considered it as beneficial that the triumph of Wednesday last had not come sooner. It had, coming as it did, completely and effectually destroyed corruption; the reign of it was at an end. If the conquest had come sooner, before we had been so instigated against the baneful consequences of a system of corruption, perhaps there might have been contrived some paltry and insignificant coalitions, which would have made the system more palatable. Now they were roused, and leagued by a sense of

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common danger, to a plan of general and united action; though the administration might go on for a day, a week, a month, or a year, it was nothing to a man who viewed things on a great scale; the foundation was taken from it on Wednesday last; it must fall down, and then an effectual remedy would be found to prevent its ever rising again.

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Ministers did not venture to divide the House; the motion, therefore, after a feeble opposition, was agreed to.

THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL'S BILL FOR ENABLING THE KING TO CONCLUDE A PEACE OR TRUCE WITH America.

March 5.

The House having resolved itself into a committee, the AttorneyGeneral, Mr. Wallace, moved, "That leave be given to bring in a bill to enable his majesty to conclude a peace, or truce, with the revolted colonies in North America."

Mr. Fox assured the committee that nothing but the personal respect he bore the learned gentleman had prevented him from treating the proposition just as it deserved to be treated; and that was to burst out a laughing when he had heard it, and then walk out of the House; for nothing could be so ridiculous and farcical as to hear such a proposition from that side of the House, and from a member who, on Wednesday last, had combated, as far as he was able, a resolution, the obvious tendency of which was that very peace with which the learned gentleman seemed at present enamoured. The supporters of administration entertained at present a wish for peace; but they had been beaten into it; and nothing but flagellation and correction could drive them to think of peace: pity it was that so much correction should be necessary!-The learned gentleman had said, and said truly, that opening our ports to the Americans, and facilitating mutual intercourse with them, was the most effectual way to incline them to return to that preference which they used to give to our market over any other. Pity it was, that the learned gentleman and his friends had not discovered this four years sooner; then we should not have to lament the loss of America and our West India islands; we should not have to regret the loss of Minorca, or be reduced to this melancholy situation, that of all our foreign possessions, those in India excepted, we

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