Nor yet is the cup of retribution full, since England is insanely bent upon prolonging, in interminable prospect, the desolation, the cruel miseries and ruinous expense of the war. Such is her jealousy, and impotent rage of crushing the monster, whose conception her long series of sarcastic reproach for imputed slavery had promoted, and to whose birth she was the certain, though involuntary midwife, by her tyrannous attempt upon American freedom. She is now making the same unjust assault upon the longestablished privileges of Ireland.

At first I hailed the revolution in France as a glorious attempt to procure for that country the blessings of a limited monarchy, but I soon saw, in the tyranny exerted towards its mild monarch, and in the interference of the neighbouring nations, that the result would prove a fatal blow to rational liberty in Europe, and most of all, in this country; that it would, as you finely express. it, place British freedom upon a narrow and wasting isthmus, between anarchy and despotism. Had this revolution happened beneath the reign of a tyrant, it might have acted upon other kingdoms with a warning influence against tyranny. As it was, our king and parliament, with ninetenths of the English people, impute it chiefly, and but that they choose to call in the aid of reli

gious zeal to support sanguinary measures, most opposite to the gospel precepts, they would, exclusively, impute the overthrow of monarchy in France to the concessions made by the king in favour of his subjects liberties.

Hence every rational and religious plan for the reformation of abuses is termed Jacobinism. Hence Mr Pitt dared to say, in the senate, not a month ago, that to assert that the interests of the few ought to be subordinate to those of the many, was maintaining the vital principle of Jacobinism. Hence, while he and his adherents justly represent our foes as crippled in their navy, their commerce ruined, and most of their military conquests wrested from their possession, they are absurd enough to declare that there can be no security for England in a peace with France; as if that ruin to us, which, under her monarchy, and in the plenitude of her power and greatness, she could not effect, she was likely to compass in the disordered and exhausted state in which she must long remain.

France never kept peace with England when she thought it for her interest to break it; neither did this country with her! What has ever been will ever be, whether the Gallic government be republic, democratic, consular, or monarchical; but each nation stands now more in need of a

than after

any

long peace former war, and therefore, when made, it will probably be of proportionate duration.

His

An

It is insulting nonsense to plead the vices of Buonaparte, or the instability of his power, as a reason for prolonging the miseries of war. mortality might as rationally be pleaded. opportunity was opened, by his late concessions, for obtaining a general pacification, and probably upon good terms for England and her allies; and the present debilitated state of France is the true security for its permanence; far greater than could result from the Bourbon family regaining that power which is now vested in the Cromwell of that country.

It is plain that our rulers are bent upon forcing it back into monarchy, or crushing and dismembering it according to their former Quixotism ; but while France is so much weakened as to be less than ever formidable to England, she is yet too proud to be her vassal, too great to be struck from her existence as a nation, by any human power, single or combined.

In Government refusing to restore one of the removed pillars of our freedom, the Habeas Corpus act, we see how our isthmus wastes on the side of despotism. That removal was pleaded as

a necessary check to Jacobinism. It is now perfectly known, that if ever the principle existed in any formidable degree in England, it has received its death wound here, in our experience of the misersies it has produced in France.

On other occasions, our ministry plead the present perfect satisfaction of the nation in their measures, yet they will not replace this national column. Then do they not shew us, in the abuse of that despotic power, which its removal has given them, its infinite consequence to individual protection? They prevent their state prisoners from being brought to trial! they make them languish whole years in imprisonment. Thus is no one, confessing dislike to the present measures, secure in his person at this hour in England.

Adieu! I have written beneath sensations of confusion in my brain, which have probably communicated their mal-influence to my style. My disorder takes large strides upon my strength and spirits.

LETTER L.

THOMAS PARK, ESQ.

Buxton, June 12, 1800.

WHAT an age have I been indebted to you for a very kind and interesting letter! You will, however, I know, accept the too just excuse I may plead, and which I am obliged to plead to all my correspondents. The dizzy malady did not soften during the period which has elapsed since I wrote last. Experienced benefit in former years, beneath a weaker degree of the same disorder, enabled the anchor of hope to gleam to me afar off from this fountain's edge. Its magnetic influence drew me hither, though, conscious that in this more northern climate, "Pale winter, lingering, chill'd the lap of May;" and so it proved. I left Staffordshire in the full bloom of vernal luxuriance, and found here bleak and leafless sterility, and a thin invalid corps in all the hotels. Soon, however, the foliage peeped from the few trees of this scene, and juvenile satellites began to appear around the dim and waning orbs of existence.-Yourself and Mrs Park ought to