No. IV. of the English Regicides, in our next : also, the continuation of Latude's Escape from the Bastille. Christmas week, and the approaching elections, have prevented our preparing the index, title page, &c. for Vol. I. They will be given, in an extra half sheet, with No. VIII. Song of the Sailor's Wife;" "Stanzas; By a Man of Kent ;" and " rison," have been received. They are under consideration. Mary Mor ERRATA: In the "Song of the Water Spirit," in our last, stanza 2, 1.2, for "shrine," read "throne"-stanza 6, 1. 8, for " moonlight shore," read "moonlit shore."-So the author wishes it to be corrected: but our best writers use moonlight as an adjective. Ex. Gr. "If you will patiently dance in our round, Shakspeare. Pope. What beckoning ghost along the moonlight shade, Printed (by C. W. Banks, for the Proprietors), at the Kentish Observer THE CANTERBURY MAGAZINE: By Geoffrey Oldcastle, Gent. No. 8.] AT THAT TRIBUNAL STANDS THE WRITING TRIBE, TIME IS THE JUDGE: TIME HAS NOR FRIEND NOR FOE YOUNG. FEBRUARY, 1835. [VOL. II. A PLEASANT DIALOGUE, AT THE LION HOTEL, DURING THE LATE ELECTION. SIR, To GEOFFREY OLDCASTLE, Esq. On the occasion of the recent election for the city of Canterbury, I attended for the purpose of reporting the proceedings in the London papers. I took up my quarters, during the time, at the Lion Hotel. One evening, while meditating, in the coffee room, over a second pint of wine, and wondering how they contrived to get it into such a diminutive decanter, I overheard a very interesting conversation, between two gentlemen sitting at a table near the window. It appeared, from the observations of the taller and younger of the two, that he was a foreigner, though a perfect master of the English language, and had landed only the day before at Dover, on his way to the metropolis. The other, a portly, rosy-gilled person, I soon discovered, was a citizen of Canterbury, and a radical, to the back bone. Their conversation turned upon the pending election, which was naturally the engrossing topic of all discourse; for even the chambermaid, when she lighted me to bed, stood at my door, with the candle guttering to most shameful waste, while she rehearsed the qualifications, expectations, and merits, of the several candidates. first, the foreigner confined himself to asking questions, evidently for the sake of information; but by degrees, they got into argument, and then it was that my attention became more rivetted to what passed. Being in the habit of reporting from memory, I At found no difficulty, after they had left the room, in throwing it upon paper; and not knowing what better to do with it, I have sent you the copy of my amateur report for your Magazine, if you think it worth publishing; and remain, Sir, Your obedient servant, ALFRED TIBBS. P.S. You will understand, that I do not profess to give you an account of the whole conversation, commencing merely at that part where, as I have said, it became argumentative; and this part, I take upon me to aver, is nearly verbatim. A. T. Stranger. I consider myself fortunate, within a few hours only of my landing, to be enabled thus to witness the practical working of a system which I have so long admired in theory. Everything I have read, every thing I have heard, of the British constitution, has impressed me with a notion of its excellence, surpassing any that I have formed of the most renowned states of antiquity. Its mechanism-if I may so express myself that admirable adjustment of its several parts, which leaves to each an independent action, while it combines the movements of all to a common end, seems to me the perfection of human reason. Blue. I suppose you have heard that we have been improving it lately. Stranger. You allude to your Reform Bill, I presume. Blue. Yes. Stranger. Doubtless there was room for improvement. It is a trite, but therefore a true observation, (for the truth contained in popular sayings, is what makes them popular,) that every work of man necessarily partakes of his own imperfection. The principle of deterioration and decay, enters into everything he produces; therefore, all that emanates from him requires to be renovated from time to time. But here, again, I trace the evidence of consummate wisdom in the structure of your constitution, that it should have been so framed in the beginning, as to admit of repairs, when needed, which restore it to its original excellence. Thus, by your Reform Bill, the representative part of the system, which had suffered most from the inroads of time, has been brought back to its pristine vigour and efficiency. Blue. Not quite, for the representation will never be what it ought, till we have the ballot, a still greater extension of the elective franchise, and a shorter duration of parliaments. Stranger. As a foreigner, I do not feel competent to enter into these niceties, or to dispute with you their necessity. But surely, it is a glorious privilege to be able to do that which you are now doing, exercise a free and independent choice in sending to parliament, men in whose wisdom, honor, ability, and integrity, you have a just confidence, from your previous knowledge of their characters. How many members does Canterbury return ? Blue. Two. Stranger. Only two-and there are four candidates! Which of the four, pray, do you consider as most likely to be successful. Blue. Lord Albert Conyngham, and Mr. Villiers. Stranger. They being, I presume, men of tried ability, and known character. Blue. Oh yes-Lord Albert has lived in this neighbourhood nearly two years. Stranger. And Mr. Villiers? Blue. Why he came here for the first time last Saturday week: but he was recommended by a very clever man to one of our own clever men, who went to London on purpose to find a proper person. Stranger. Of what family is he? Blue. We can't find out. Stranger. Has he the necessary qualification? Blue. We have not inquired. Stranger. Is he a man of sound, moral, and religious principles ? Blue. We don't know. Stranger. What is he? Blue. Nobody can tell; except that he is a reformer. Stranger, (smiling.) I am afraid you are indulging a little pleasantry at my expence. Blue. No, indeed-I am quite serious. Stranger. Then, of course, your freemen and citizens will not give him a single vote. Blue. I beg your pardon: they will give him a great many. We know how to manage all that. Stranger. Do you mean to say, that any man who is not either a fool or a knave (the former, if he fling away his right, the latter if he barter it for money,) will vote for a person such as you have described ? Why, if you could train a dog to bark, or an ass to bray, in reply to questions at the poll table, you would have as rational a constituency as the one you describe, without the degradation. Blue, (laughing.) I see you do not understand these things. Our object is to turn out Mr. Lushington: that's all we care for: it does not matter a straw to us, who comes in, so he does not. Stranger. This Mr. Lushington, you speak of, is some infamous person, I suppose; and to avoid the intolerable disgrace of having him for your representative, you rather choose to support one of whom if you know nothing that is good, you at least know nothing so disgraceful as you do with regard to Mr. Lushington. Well-if you are really reduced to this necessity, there is some excuse for what otherwise would be the climax of profligacy or absurdity. Blue. No, no-that's not the true state of the case. It lies in a nut shell. Mr. Lushington is a conservative, and we are determined to have a radical. As to private character, or public talent, I am quite ready to allow, though politically opposed to him, that in both, he stands very high. Stranger. Now I begin to understand you; though I am still of opinion, that it is a sad abuse of the privilege you enjoy, to use it in behalf of persons utterly unknown to you. However, party feeling, I am aware, often hurries us into courses which will not bear the sober examination of reason. Determined, as you say, to have a radical, who should represent the feelings and opinions of those who are themselves radicals (which is all very proper,) you have taken up with this Mr. Villiers for want of a better, and in order that he may be a counterpoise to the other candidate, Lord Albert Conyngham. Blue. I beg your pardon for interrupting you-but Lord Albert professes himself as great a radical as Mr. Villiers. Stranger. The population of Canterbury, then, consists entirely of radicals? Blue. By no means-I wish it did. The bulk of the property and respectability of the city, is the other way. It is chiefly the lower class of freemen and householders, that intend voting for our candidates. Stranger. If, then, your candidates are returned, that is, if the lower class of freemen and householders have more votes among them than are possessed by the majority of respectable and opulent citizens, the latter will have no representative of their sentiments or interests in Parliament ? Blue. No-we shall beat them. Stranger. And ought they to be beaten? As a foreigner, I do not profess to understand the exact working of your election machinery; but I do understand, that there must be a great defect somewhere, when it is possible for one class thus to usurp upon the privileges of another; and more especially when, as in this case, the usurping party is of an infinitely lower degree of value in the gradations of the social scheme. Methinks, too, it accords ill with the principles which you reformers profess, to insist even, much less to seek, the destruction of rights which you apparently prize so highly. Blue. I do not precisely comprehend your meaning. Stranger. I will endeavour to make myself more intelligible. If I have rightly studied the object of those who called for parliamentary reform, it was, to obtain such an alteration as would secure to every class, a fair representation of its interests. The complaint was, that the old system was not sufficiently extensive; that the popular voice had no express organ; and such a revision of the system was demanded, as would secure these objects. It would seem, however, that in proportion as the basis of the representation has been widened, its constitutional spirit has been destroyed. Blue. My notion of the constitution is, that every man should have a voice in electing representatives, because every man is bound by the laws they enact. Stranger. That is, you would have universal suffrage. Blue. I would. Stranger. And yet, mark how the principle of universal suffrage has practically operated, in this city, to the total destruction of the rights of one class. You have admitted, that the bulk of the property and respectability of Canterbury is opposed to what is called radicalism; but, in consequence of the lower class of freemen and householders being more numerous than the former, and at the same time radicals in politics, they are enabled to have two representatives, while the less numerous, but, as you must allow, infinitely more important portion, have no representative. Do you pretend to maintain that this is just: or, that only the lower orders are to have the privilege of returning members to parliament ? Blue. What I maintain is, that in a free country, it is the right of every man to give his assent to the laws by which he is governed, which he can only do by possessing the privilege of voting for those persons to whom he consents to delegate the power of making the laws. Stranger. Abstractions in politics, as in morals, are invariably delusive. Your definition of a free country, would exclude from that character, every state that has ever existed. But let us narrow the question. Suppose an act of parliament to be passed, giving to the city of Canterbury the right of universal suffrage, or, to use your own words, bestowing upon every man the privilege of voting for those persons, to whom he consents to delegate the power of making laws." Suppose, too, that instead of returning two members, it returned six. What do you imagine would be the result, were six conservative and six radical candidates to start? 66 Blue. The same as if two of each started-the conservative ones would be defeated. Stranger. Why? Blue. Because nine-tenths of the lower orders are radicals. It is in the nature of things they should be so. A rich man may be contented; a poor man cannot, (the exceptions are few, and only prove the rule) for, in the condition of every one who toils hard to earn a scanty provision for himself and family, there must, of necessity, be an aching void, that is perpetually nourishing discontent. Such men, commonly, are not what they wish to be; frequently, not what they themselves think they ought to be; and it is easy to see that, so circumstanced, they are naturally pre-disposed to believe that political changes will benefit them, and therefore to put confidence in those who tell them that they will. Stranger. Do you consider, taking the population generally, that the same argument would apply, and that nine-tenths of the lower orders throughout the whole country are radicals? Blue. I have little doubt of it. Stranger. It follows, then, that if the principle of universal suffrage were |