ments. In Bologna, its center, there was an insurrection, in which the students of the university took part, then an abdication by the Papal pro-legate, then a provisional government, then a constituent assembly;-and by this time the current of reaction had already set in. The attitude of the government of Louis Philippe had been such as to encourage the insurgents to hope that France would resist any interference on the part of Austria. But in this they were deceived. More bold than before, the Austrians crossed the Po without waiting for the sanction of a European congress, and again crushed the rising freedom of Italy.

The revolutions of which we have just spoken, were, so to speak, superficial in their character. They were too shallow to cast up any great names to the surface. They were the spasms that indicated the disease, but they brought no permanent relief. They were not marked by brilliant achievements or heroic sacrifices. They did not stir to their depths the masses of the people; for they were still sunken in superstition and ignorance, with the weight of centuries of despotism upon them. Furthermore, in Italy, where the climate is mild and the soil comparatively fertile, the incentives of hunger and cold do not operate so powerfully as stimulants to revolution, as in countries less favored by nature. In Italy, too, it is not as it is in France, where any movement, if successful in Paris, is sure to carry the whole country. The old municipal jealousies and local prejudices were still so prevalent, that people of differ ent parts of Italy had hardly yet learned to look upon each other as countrymen. Even the Carbonari had never been able to unite under one head. They were always divided, too, between republicanism and constitutional monarchy. 1820-1, the Piedmontese and Neapolitans had relied in vain upon the coöperation of the subjects of the Pope, and in 1831, the latter had relied in vain upon the former. All political life, all public spirit was stifled by the vigilance of the police and the censorship of the press. still uneasy under their yoke. sometimes ended in hope, but in despair.

In

The Italians, however, were Their longings for deliverance often, as in the case of Pellico,

In 1831, the name of Mazzini became known. The son of a medical professor in Genoa, and educated for the law, in 1828, when under the age of twenty one, he commenced the publication of a weekly literary gazette in his native city. The interest which he manifested in the revolutionary agitation of 1830-1, subjected him to the displeasure of the government. He was arrested, imprisoned five months in the fortress of Savona, and then banished. In June, 1831, when an exile in France, he embraced the occasion of the accession of Charles Albert to the throne of Sardinia, to address him a letter, in which he reminded the newly-crowned king of his former connection with the Carbonari, pointed him to the crown of Italy, and bade him choose the lot, either of the first of men, or the last of the Italian tyrants. This bold and stirring appeal drew to his side his fellow exiles. They were dazzled by his genius-they were fascinated by his manners, and they loved him for his devotion to their cause. For ten years or more of gloom and doubt, he was the undisputed head of the Italian liberal movement. Dissatisfied with Carbonarism-its mysteries and mummeries, and its demoralization-he founded a new association, and called it "La Giovine Italia," or "Young Italy." He adopted the policy of open insurrection, as opposed to secret assassination. He established a journal at Marseilles, as the organ of the new society, and he gave it the same name. He turned his back upon Pope, Priests, and Princes, and addressed himself directly to the Italian people, as the only hope for the redemption of their country. For twelve months after he had been ordered to quit France, he remained concealed in Marseilles, brought out his journal, and distributed it, by means of secret agencies, throughout Italy. He finally betook himself to Geneva. In January, 1834, an insurrectionary expedition, consisting of about eight hundred men, principally refugees, among whom Mazzini was the moving spirit, set out from Geneva to revolutionize Savoy, and thence Italy. It proved a miserable failure, owing to the mismanagement of Ramorino, who commanded it, the unexpected indifference of the Savoyards, and the vigilance of the police of

Geneva, who got wind of the enterprise, and caused one of the detachments to be intercepted, just as it was leaving the territory of the Canton. Nothing daunted by this misfortune, Mazzini continued with unabated zeal, to write, to plot, and to agitate. Still later, when he lived in obscurity, as an exile, in London, after having been driven from the Continent, his name was a terror to the despots of Italy, who regarded him as the very arch fiend of the revolutionary propaganda. He has always been a thorough-going democrat, but no socialist, as many represent him. He eschews all agitation and all action, which have not for their object the utter demolition of all the thrones of Italy. Through all the vicissitudes of his eventful career, he has never swerved from the hope of seeing the Italians united in one grand consolidated republic, with Rome for its center. And this object is a noble one, though at present, it is doubtless impracticable. Many may be dis. posed to call him a man of one idea; but the idea which animates him is no chimera. Nothing is wanting to it, but the element of federation, to make it the very idea which lies at the basis of our American institutions. And yet, alas, how many years of sorrow and suffering-how many disappointments and disasters-how many heart-sickening sacrifices like those that have just been offered up to the demon of war on the plains of Lombardy, lie in the path to its realization in Italy!

At the period of which we have been speaking-the period between 1831 and the accession of Pius IX, in 1846-there were other Italian reformers, who, however, disapproved of the radicalism of Mazzini. They were the founders of the so-called Moderate party-the same which now holds the reins of power in Sardinia. The most prominent among them at that time were Vincenzo Gioberti, Cesare Balbo, and Massimo D'Azeglio. Gioberti was educated for the church, and was once chaplain to Charles Albert. But his liberal views displeased the King and his counselors, the Jesuits, and we find him an exile in Paris, in 1843, the period of the publication of his celebrated work, entitled "The Civil and Moral Supremacy of the

Italians."* In this work he points to the Papacy as the only hope for Italy. He insists that it carries within itself all the germs of freedom and civilization. He looks upon the Italians as the chosen tribe-as the Levites of Christianity-but he reminds them that they are indebted to the church for the civilization which it has been their glorious privilege to give to the world; and it is through the Papacy, reformed, liberalized, and assimilated to the spirit of the age, that Italy, as he thinks, is to be regenerated. He advocates a confederation of the Italian states, with the Pope as its head. He would substitute, however, the arbitration or moral influence of the Papacy, in the place of the dictatorial supremacy exercised by it during the imperfect civilization of the middle ages. This work of Gioberti, strange as its doctrines may seem to us, and notwithstanding its prolixity, was read with great avidity by the Italians, especially those of the higher classes. In the same year, 1843, Cesare Balbo, who had already acquired considerable repute as an historian, published a book, entitled "The Hopes of Italy," in which he sought to impress upon his countrymen the importance of a federative union among the Italian states, with a view, ultimately, to the deliverance of Italy from foriegn domination. Finally Massimo D'Azeglio, a son-inlaw of Manzoni, a nobleman of varied accomplishments, and great personal popularity, in an account written by him and published in 1846,‡ of the disturbances and state prosecutions in the Romagna, in 1843-5, defined with much more clearness and force than Gioberti or Balbo, the objects and policy of the Moderate party. He condemned in decided terms the violent measures of Mazzini and his followers, and he insisted upon. the importance, first of all, of winning over by a conciliatory course, the existing governments of Italy to the cause of national reform and independence.

"Del Primato Civile e Morale degl' Italiani," per Vincenzo Gioberti. Tomi 2. Brusselle, 1843. Gioberti's work was severely condemned by the Jesuits. He retaliated by the publication of another work, entitled "Il Gesuita Moderno," per Vincenzo Gioberti. 4 vols., Losanna, 1847.

"Le Speranze d'Italia," per Cesare Balbo.

"Degli ultimi Casi di Romagna," Lugano. 1846.

It was under the influence of such men as these and their writings, that Pius IX, at the commencement of his pontificate, adopted the policy of reform. But Piedmont, as it had

been the birth-place, so it became the center and strong hold of the Moderate party. When the violence of popular agitation became such that Charles Albert, like the other Italian sovereigns, found it necessary for the security of his throne to dismiss the Jesuits and grant a constitution to his subjects, he summoned Balbo to his councils and made him the head of the ministry. The new constitution was framed after the model of the French charter of 1830, and is still in force. It provides for two houses of parliament-a Senate, the members of which are appointed for life by the king, and a Chamber of Deputies, the members of which are chosen for three years by a vote of the people. A direct tax of forty francs constitutes the qualification for an elector. The constitution also guarantees the liberty of the press and of religion. In accordance with its spirit, Charles Albert issued an edict, admitting the Waldenses to the full enjoyment of civil rights. It was a tardy acknowledgment of the wrongs inflicted by his bigoted ancestors upon these unoffending Christians.

It is not our purpose at present to follow in detail the Italian revolutionary movements of 1848-9. Nor shall we attempt to analyze the motives that led Charles Albert into the course of hostility against Austria, which resulted in the melancholy defeat of Novara, (March 23, 1849,) and the abdication, exile, and death of the King. It will be no easy task for the historian to determine how much the indecision of Charles Albert, and how much the perversity of Mazzini and the intrigues of his partisans, contributed to the demoralization of the Piedmontese army, and its consequent reverses. Be that as it may, the Italian national cause, notwithstanding its failure, was impressed with a significance and sacredness, in the eyes of the world and the Italians themselves, by the events of 1848-9, which it never seemed to possess before, and which the last ten years have been continually strengthening. It could no longer be said of the Italians, that they were unwilling to fight for their liberties. At Rome and Vicenza, at Milan, Brescia, and