still more so. I see in some resolutions of town meetings, a remonstrance against giving congress a power to take, as they call it, the people's money out of their pockets, though only to pay the interest and principal of debts duly contracted. They seem to mistake the point. Money justly due from the people is their creditor's money, and no longer the money of the people, who, if they withhold it, should be compelled to pay by some law. All property, indeed, except the savage's temporary cabin, his bow, his matchuat, and other little acquisitions absolutely necessary for his subsistence, seems to me to be the creature of public convention. Hence the public has the right of regulating descents, and all other conveyances of property, and even of limiting the quantity and the uses of it. All the property that is necessary to a man for the conservation of the individual and the propagation of the species, is his natural right, which none can justly deprive him of; but all property superfluous to such purposes is the property of the public, who by their laws have created it, and who may therefore by other laws dispose of it whenever the welfare of the public shall desire such disposition. He that does not like civil society on these terms, let him retire and live among savages. He can have no right to the benefits of society, who will not pay his club towards the support of it.

The Marquis de la Fayette, who loves to be employed in our affairs, and is often very useful, has lately had several conversations with the ministers and persons concerned in forming new regulations respecting the commerce between our two countries, which are not yet concluded. I thought it therefore well to communicate to him a copy of your letter, which contains so many sensible and just observations on that subject. He will make a proper use of them; and perhaps they may have more weight as appearing to come from

a Frenchman, than they would have if it were known that they were the observations of an American. I perfectly agree with you in all the sentiments you have expressed on this occasion.

I am sorry for the public's sake that you are about to quit your office, but on personal considerations I shall congratulate you. For I cannot conceive of a more happy man, than he who, having been long loaded with public cares, finds himself relieved from them, and enjoying private repose in the bosom of his friends and family.

With sincere regard and attachment, I am ever, dear sir, yours, &c. B. FRANKLIN.”

EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO HIS EXCELLENCY THOMAS MIFFLIN, ESQ.

(President of Congress.)

Passy, Dec. 25, 1788.

"It was certainly disagreeable to the English

ministers, that all their treaties for peace were carried on under the eye of the French court. This began to appear towards the conclusion, when Mr. Hartley refused going to Versailles to sign there, with the other powers, our definitive treaty; and insisted on its being done at Paris; which we in good humor complied with, but at an earlier hour, that we might have time to acquaint le Comte de Vergennes before he was to sign with the Duke of Manchester. The Dutch definitive was not then ready, and the British court now insisted on finishing it either at London or the Hague. If heretofore the commission to us, which has been so long delayed, is still intended, perhaps it will be well to instruct us to treat either here or at London as we may find most convenient. The treaty may be conducted even there in

concert and in the confidence of communication with the ministers of our friends, whose advice may be of use to us.

With respect to the British court, we should I think be constantly upon our guard, and impress strongly upon our minds, that though it has made peace with us, it is not in truth reconciled to us, or to its loss of us; but still flatters itself with hopes that some change of the affairs of Europe, or some disunion among ourselves, may afford them an opportunity of recovering their dominion, puuishing those who have most offended, and securing our future dependence. It is easy to see by the general turn of the ministerial newspapers, (light things indeed as straws and feathers, but like them they show which way the wind blows), and by the malignant improvement their ministers make in all foreign courts, of every little accident at Philadelphia, the resolves of some town meetings, the reluctance to pay taxes, &c. &c.; all which are exaggerated to represent our governments as so many anarchies, of which the people themselves are weary, the congress as having lost its influence, being no longer respected: I say it is easy to see from this conduct, that they bear us no good-will, and that they wish the reality of what they are pleased to imagine. They have too a numerous royal progeny to provide for, some of whom are educated in the military line. In these circumstances we cannot be too careful to preserve the friendship we have acquired abroad, and the union we have established at home, to secure our credit by a punctual discharge of our obligations of every kind, and our reputation by the wisdom of our councils; since we know not how soon we may have fresh occasion for friends, for credit, and for reputation.

The extravagant misrepresentations of our political state in foreign countries, made it appear necessary to give them better information, which I thought could not be more effec

tually and authentically done than by publishing a translation into French, now the most general language in Europe, of the book of constitutions, which had been printed by order of congress. This I accordingly got well done, and presented two copies handsomely bound to every foreign minister here, one for himself, the other, more elegant, for his sovereign. It has been well taken, and has afforded a matter of surprise to many who had conceived mean ideas of the state of civilisation in America, and could not have expected so much political knowledge and sagacity had existed in our wilderness and from all parts I have the satisfaction to hear that our constitutions in general are much admired. I am persuaded that this step will not only tend to promote the emigration to our country of substantial people from all parts of Europe; but the numerous copies I shall disperse, will facilitate our future treaties with foreign courts, who could not before know what kind of government and people they had to treat with: as in doing this, I have endeavored to further the apparent views of congress in the first publication, I hope it may be approved, and the expense allowed. I send herewith one of the copies. Yours, &c.

B. FRANKLIN."

DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. TO DR. FRANKLIN.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

London, Feb. 23, 1784.

I have met with a report from America, that congress has come to some resolution respecting the commerce with Great Britatn, which is to depend conditionally upon the proceedings of the British parliament by the 1st of February, 1784. As they have known that the act of the last session of parliament was to terminate on the 20th of December, 1785, it was reasonable to conclude that some

proceedings would have taken place in parliament before the 1st of February, 1784. This doubtless was the intention of the last session, by the limit given to the bill. However, in consequence of the late changes, all these considerations have been postponed, by the prolongation of the late bill until the 20th of April. If therefore it has been the design of congress, to wait for some act of the British parliament respecting American commerce, I hope they will remain in the same sentiments, notwithstanding the delay which has happened from the change of the ministry, that all things may remain open between the parties for mutually beneficial and amicable intercourse. I will send you the earliest notice of any steps which may be taken here. I expect daily to hear of the ratifications of the peace from you. Pray remember me kindly to Mr. Jay and family, to Mr. W. T. Franklin, and to Messrs. Adams and son, if at Paris. I am ever your D. HARTLEY.

most affectionate friend,

To CHARLES THOMSON, Esq.

(Secretary of Congress.)

DEAR SIR,

Passy, May 13, 1784.

Yesterday evening Mr. Hartley met with Mr. Jay and myself, when the ratifications of the definitive treaty were exchanged. I send a copy of the English ratification to the president. Thus the great and hazardous enterprise we have been engaged in, is, God be praised, happily completed: an event I hardly expected I should live to see. A few years of peace, well improved, will restore and increase our strength: but our future safety will depend on our union and our virtue. Britain will be long watching for advantages, to recover what she has lost. If we do not convince the world that we are a nation to be depended on for fidelity