cilious confidence had been criminal in him who was crowned with the principal honours. For rarely in the vicissitudes of nations, has it happened that interests more sacred have been confided to the infirmity of human wisdom or integrity; and that a spectacle more imposing has been exhibited to human observation.

In 1776, July 4th, his name appears as president of the congress which declared the colonies independant of the crown of Great Britain. The name of the president alone was published with the declaration, though every member signed it. It was a mark of respect due to Massachusetts, to have one of their members in the chair, which had been filled by a member from South Carolina and Virginia. Mr Hancock had those talents which were calculated to make him appear to more advantage as chairman, than in the debates of a public body. He excelled as moderator of the Boston town-meetings, as president of the provincial congress, and state convention; and, as head of the great council of our nation, he was much respected. He discovered a fine address, great impartiality, sufficient spirit to command attention, and preserve order. His voice and manner were much in his favour, and his experience in public business, gave him ease and dignity.

In 1779, Mr. Hancock resigned his place in congress. He was chosen a member of the convention that formed the constitution of Massachusetts.

From 1780 to 1785, Mr. Hancock was annually chosen governor of the commonwealth of Massachusetts. He declined being a candidate for the office the ensuing year, and was succeeded by the honourable James Bowdoin, Esq. During the administration of Mr. Bowdoin, there was an insurrection in the state, which was happily quelled. Every thing was done in the most judicious manner, by the governor and the legislature, yet a part of the community appeared to be discontented with the administration, and in the year 1787, Mr. Hancock was again placed in the chair.

His conduct in the state convention during the discussion of it, gained him honour. The opposition to this excellent form of government was great. It was said that the majority of the convention would be against the adoption; and that the governor was with the opposers. He was chosen president of the convention, but did not attend the debates till the latter week of the session. Certain amendments were proposed to remove the objections of those, who thought some of the articles deprived the people of their rights. He introduced these amendments with great propriety, and voted for the adoption of the constitution. His name and influence doubtless turned many in favour of the federal government.

The latter years of his administration were easy to him on account of the public tranquility. The federal government became the source of so much prosperity, that the people were easy and happy. The two patriots, Hancock and Adams, were reconciled. When lieutenant governor Cushing died, general Lincoln was chosen as his successor. This gave great offence to Mr. Adams, and it was very disagreeable to the governor. They joined their strength to support the same measures, as well as renewed their friendship. The next year, Lincoln was left out of office, and Mr. Adams chosen lieutenant governor. This gentlemen succeeded Mr. Hancock, as governor of the commonwealth, after his death.

He had married, about twenty years before his death, Miss Quincy, daughter of an eminent magistrate of Boston. No children were, however, left to inherit his fortune, or perpetuate his name; his only son having died in his youth.

He died suddenly on the 8th of October, 1793, in the 55th year of his age. During several days, his body lay in state at his mansion, where great multitudes thronged to pay the last offices of their grief and affection. His obsequies were attended with great pomp and solemnity, and amidst the tears of his countrymen, he was committed to the dust. Dr. Thacher preached his funeral sermon the next sabbath. He was very friendly to the clergy of all denominations, and did a great deal to promote the cause of learning as well as religion.The library of Harvard college will give an exhibition of his munificence: for the name of Hancock, in golden letters, now adorns one of the alcoves of the library room, and is upon the records of the university among her greatest benefactors. In stature he was above the middle size, of excellent proportion of limbs, of extreme benignity of countenance; possessing a flexible and harmonious voice, a manly and digni fied aspect. By the improvement of these natural qualities from observation and extensive intercourse with the world, he had acquired a pleasing elocution with the most graceful and conciliating manners; acquisitions which are perhaps less fitted to the austere virtues of a republic, than to the glitter and magnificence of monarchy; but were used by Mr. Hancock in arts so liberal and beneficial to his country, that the most unsocial and supercilious advocate of sobriety, will pardon him the possession of them.

Of his talents it is a sufficient evidence, that, in the various stations to which his fortune had elevated him in the republic, he acquitted himself with an honourable distinction and capacity. His communications to the general assembly, and his correspondence as president of congress, are titles of no ordinary commendation. Of extensive erudition he has given no positive testimony. His knowledge was practical and fami

liar. He neither penetrated the intricacies of profound research, nor did he mount inaccessible elevations.

Of the other statesmen and warriors of the revolution, and especially of the members of the continental congress, it may be observed, that in wisdom and intelligence, as well as integrity and magnanimity, they suffer no degradation in being compared with the most illustrious patriots of ancient or modern times.

Mr. Hancock was promoted to every office which a man fond of public life could expect or desire. Such an elevation to prosperous circumstances would make some men giddy, and cause others to despise their neighbour, poorer than themselves.

"The greatest fault in his character, was a pevishness and irritability that often grieved his friends, but which was forgiven. on reflecting, that this failing was not owing to a bad heart, or a mean spirit, but to perpetual ill health. His constitution was naturally feeble, and he was for many years severely afflicted with the gout. The greater portion of his life, indeed, was passed in physical suffering; his mind rose superior to this misfortune in the discharge of his public duties: and as he never relaxed from these, while it was possible for him to continue his efforts, his family, and his acqaintance, bore with indulgence a natural consequence of infirmities, under which a less powerful mind would have sunk entirely.

"He possessed many valuable qualifications for public life, a knowledge of business, and facility in despatching it, and a ready insight into the characters of men. As an orator, he was not remarkable; he seldom made an elaborate speech, and the only discourse of his in print, is the oration on the 5th of March, 1774. But as the president, moderator, or speaker, of an assembly, whether it was a town meeting, or a house of representatives, he was not surpassed by any person of his time. His voice was powerful, his acquaintance with parliamentary forms, accurate, and his apprehension of questions, quick; he was attentive, impartial, and dignified; and in these situations inspired respect and confidence wherever he presided.

The editor will again refer to, and give an extract from, the oration of Richard Rush, Esq. delivered at the city of Washington, July 4, 1812. He said, "during the siege of Boston, general Washington consulted congress upon the propriety of bombarding the town. Mr. Hancock was then president of congress. After general Washington's letter was read, a solemn silence ensued. This was broken by a member making a motion that the house should resolve itself into a committee of the whole, in order that Mr. Hancock might

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give his opinion upon the subject, as he was so deeply interested from having all his estate in Boston. After he left the chair, he addressed the chairman of the committee of the whole, in the following words: "It is true, sir, nearly all the property I have in the world, is in houses and other real estate in the town of Boston; but if the expulsion of the British army from it, and the liberties of our country require their being burnt to ashes, issue the orders for that purpose immediately.

HATHAWAY, BENONI, was a brave officer in the revolutionary war. At the commencement of our revolutionary struggle, this venerable man was in the prime of youth and vigour of manhood, and was, from its beginning to its close, one of its most steady and firm supporters. When New Jersey was overrun by the enemy, when Newark, Elizabethtown, New Brunswick, and most of our principal towns and villages were in their possession, he was constantly and actively employed on tours of militia duty. He commanded a company, acting under the orders of brigadier general Winds, and possessed the entire confidence of his commander and of his men. He was a man of cool and determined courage and prudence, and from his perfect knowledge of the country, and the adroitness of his men in the use of the musket, they were enabled greatly to annoy and harrass the enemy, by hanging on their rear, cutting off their supplies, intercepting their foraging parties, capturing their guards and sentinels, surprising their camp at night, &c. &c. In a night attack which he made at Elizabethtown, in December, 1777, upon the British and Hessians under general Kniphausen, he received a musket ball at the margin of the ear, which, striking the skull obliquely, and glancing backward between the skull and the skin, passed out at the back part of the head. He was carried off by his men, supposed to be mortally wounded, but recovered.

He died at Newark, New Jersey, on the 19th of April, 1823, in the seventieth year of his age.

HAWKINS, NATHAN, was a native of Rhode Island. He manifested an early opposition to the oppressive acts of Great Britain. When the port of Boston was shut, in 1774, though scarcely arrived to manhood, he was delegated by the town of South Kingston to present an offer of provisions to the suffering inhabitants of Boston. When the news of the ever memorable battle of Lexington, the first struggle for liberty, reached his native village, it was midnight, and was announc ed by the firing of cannon and the ringing of bells; the watchword then was, "we must fight," and before twelve hours had expired, he was at the head of a volunteer corps, marching to the scene of action. After this he entered the state and

United States' service, and was in several engagements during the revolution. At length he retired to Charlestown, Massachusetts, where he lived an independent life by the cultiva tion of the soil.

He died in Charlestown, Massachusetts, on the sd of October, 1817, in the sixty-ninth year of his age. In his death we record another of the few remaining officers of the revolution. As they pass off it may be instructive to pause and enquire who they are who are dear to every American, and why they have so strong a hold on our sympathy and affection, for in them we see that we are losing the founders of our country. Bigoted to no party, he was ever a warm advocate for the principles of the revolution, and was highly respected for his patriotism and integrity. For near thirty years he successively held offices of trust and honour in the town, and we believe him deserving of that character which is above all praise, an honest man.

HAWLEY, JOSEPH, distinguished as a statesmand and patriot, was born in Northampton, Massachusetts, in 1724, and was graduated in Yale college in 1742. Soon after finishing his collegial education, he engaged in the study and the practice of the law in his native town. In this science he became a great proficient, and was one of the most distinguished counsellors in the province. Among his other studies, he attained to such an eminence of knowledge in political history, and the principles of free government, that, during the disputes between Great Britain and the colonies, he was regarded as one of the ablest advocates of American liberty. His integrity, both in public and in private life, was inflexible, and was not even questioned by his political opponents. He was repeatedly elected a member of the council, but refused in every instance to accept the office, as he preferred a seat in the house of representatives, where his character for disinterested patriotism, and his bold and manly eloquence gave him an ascendency, which has seldom been equalled.

In 1776, he, together with Samuel Adams and John Hancock, were elected members of the legislature. He acquir ed great influence in the public councils. The ascendancy which was allotted to him by the deference of others, was a fortunate circumstance for his country. Never was influence exercised with more intelligent, devoted and inflexible patriotism. He made up his mind earlier than most men, that the struggle against oppression would lead to war, and that our rights at last must be secured by our arms. As the crisis approached, when some persons urged upon him the danger of a contest, so apparently unequal, his answer was, "We must put to sea, Providence will bring us into port."