brittle thread, than previously to this memorable retreat. A spectacle is here presented of an army, destined for the defence of a great continent, driven to the narrow borders of an island, with a victorious army of double its number in front, with navigable waters in its rear; constantly liable to have its communication cut off by the enemy's navy, and every moment exposed to an attack. The presence of mind which animated the commander in chief in this critical situation, the prudence with which all the necessary measures were executed. redounded as much, or more, to his honour than the most brilliant victories. An army, to which America looked for safety, preserved; a general, who was considered as an host himself, saved for the future necessity of his country! Had not, however, the circumstances of the night, of the wind and weather, been favourable, the plan, however well concerted, must have been defeated. To a good Providence, therefore, are the people of America indebted, for the complete success of an enterprise so important in its consequences.

This retreat left the British in complete possession of Long Island. What could be their future operations remained uncertain. To obtain information of their strength, situation, and future movements, was of high importance. For this purpose, general Washington applied to colonel Knowlton, who commanded a regiment of light infantry, which formed the van of the American army, and desired him to adopt some mode of gaining the necessary information. Colonel Knowlton communicated this request to captain Nathan Hale, of Connecticut, who was then a captain in his regiment.

This young officer, animated by a sense of duty, and considering that an opportunity presented itself by which he might be useful to his country, at once offered himself a volunteer for this hazardous service. He passed in disguise to Long Island, examined every part of the British army, and obtained the best possible information respecting their situation and future operations.

In his attempt to return he was apprehended, carried before sir William Howe, and the proof of his object was so clear, that he frankly acknowledged who he was, and what were his views.

Sir William Howe at once gave an order to the provost mashal to execute him the next morning.

This order was accordingly executed in a most unfeeling manner, and by as great a savage as ever disgraced humanity. A clergyman, whose attendance he desired was refused him; a bible for a few moments devotion was not procured, although he requested it. Letters, which, on the morning of his execu tion, he wrote to his mother and other friends, were destroy

ed and this very extraordinary reason given by the provost marshal, "that the rebels should not know they had a man in their army who could die with so much firmness."

Unknown to all around him, without a single friend to offer him the least consolation, thus fell as amiable and as worthy a young man as America could boast, with this, as his dying observation that "he only lamented that he had but one life to lose for his country."

Although the manner of this execution will ever be abhorred by every friend to humanity and religion, yet there cannot be a question but that the sentence was conformable to the rules of war and the practice of nations in similar cases.

It is, however, a justice due to the character of captain Hale to observe, that his motives for engaging in this service were entirely different from those which generally influence others in similar circumstances.

Neither expectation of promotion, nor pecuniary reward, induced him to this attempt. A sense of duty, a hope that he might in this way be useful to his country, and an opinion which he had adopted, that every kind of service necessary to the public good became honourable by being necessary; were the great motives which induced him to engage in an enterprise by which his connexions lost a most amiable friend, and his country one of its most promising supporters.

The fate of this unfortunate young man excites the most interesting reflections.

To see such a character, in the flower of youth, cheerfully treading in the most hazardous paths, influenced by the purest intentions, and only emulous to do good to his country, without the imputation of a crime, fall a victim to policy, must have been wounding to the feelings even of his enemies.

Captain Hale possessed a fine genius, had received an excellent education, and disclosed high promise of future talents and usefulness. He was open, generous and brave, and enthusiastic in the cause of liberty and his country, in which he had engaged, and for which he was destined to die an early martyr. The fate of Hale, it will be observed, was in almost every respect, strikingly similar to that of major Andre. As it respects character, qualifications and personal interest, Hale would not suffer from a comparison with Andre. Yet, strange as it may seem, the fate of Andre, even in America, has been universally lamented, and his memory universally respected; whilst it is scarcely known that there was ever such a man as Nathan Hale. Andre has had a monument erected to his memory by his country, and the most distinguished honours and rewards conferred upon his family; but what has our country done for the memory of Hale? No stone,

however humble, has been erected to it; no memorial has rescued it from oblivion; and no inscription has preserved his ashes from insult. Such is the influence of books, and the evil tendency of importing them, that while Nathan Hale, an American, an ardent revolutionary patriot, and who offered his life as a sacrifice to our liberties, is wholly unknown, the life, character, and fate of Andre, are familiar with almost every individual, however humble his situation, or limited his intelligence.

Thus, while fond virtue wish'd in vain to save,
HALE, bright and generous. found a hapless grave.
With genius' living flame his bosom glow'd,
And science charm'd him to her sweet abode.
In worth's fair path his feet had ventur'd far,
The pride of peace, the rising grace of war.
In duty firm, in danger calm as ev'n,

To friends unchanging, and sincere to heav'n.
How short his course, the prize, how early won,

While weeping friendship mourns her fav'rite gone. HAMILTON, ALEXANDER, first secretary of the treasury of the United States, was a native of the island of St. Croix, and was born in 1757. His father was the younger son of an English family, and his mother was an American. At the age of sixteen, he accompanied his mother to New York, and entered a student of Columbia college, in which he continued about three years. While a member of this institution, the first buddings of his intellect gave presages of his future eminence. The contest with Great Britain called forth the first talents on each side, and his juvenile pen asserted the claims of the colonies against very respectable writers. His papers exhibited such evidence of intellect and wisdom, that they were ascribed to Mr. Jay, and when the truth was discovered, America saw with astonishment, a lad of seventeen in the list of her able advocates.

The quarrel having ripened into open conflict, the first sound of battle awakened the martial spirit of the stripling. He could no longer repose in college shades, while his country was in danger, and her defenders in the field. He accordingly, when in his nineteenth year, entered the army with the rank of captain of artillery, and, in that capacity, distinguished himself on several occasions.

Having by his amiable temper and officer-like conduct, conciliated the regard and affection of his comrades, it was not long till, by his higher qualities, he attracted the notice of the commander in chief. A strong and peculiar trait in the character of Washington was his intuitive discernment of talent

and worth. Never was this faculty exercised by him more happily or with better effect, than in his selection of captain Hamilton to serve as his aid-de-camp, which promoted him to the rank of lieutenant colonel. This event took place in the year 1777. From that period till near the time of the capture of lord Cornwallis, in 1781, Washington and Hamilton were inseparable companions, both in the cabinet and the field. Never was an aid more perfectly the friend and confidant of his commander, nor a general more ably subserved by an aid. They shared together the dangers and hardships of that trying period, with a firmness and fortitude that were never surpassed, and, by their bravery and united wisdom, were instrumental. beyond all others, in conducting the arms of their country to victory and glory. Hamilton served as first aidde-camp to the commander in chief in the battles of Brandywine, Germantown and Monmouth.

His sound understanding, comprehensive views, application and promptitude, soon gained the entire confidence of his patron. In such a school it was impossible but that his genius should be nourished. By intercourse with Washington, by surveying his plans, observing his consummate prudence, and by a minute inspection of the springs of national operations, he became fitted for command. Throughout the campaign, which terminated in the capture of Cornwallis, colonel Hamilton commanded a battalion of light infantry. At the siege of York in 1781, when the second parallel was opened, two redoubts, which flanked it, and were advanced 300 yards in front of the British works, very much annoyed the men in the trenches. It was resolved to possess them, and to prevent jealousies the attack of the one was committed to the Americans, and of the other to the French. The detachment of the Americans, was commanded by the marquis de la Fayette; and colonel Hamilton, at his own earnest request, led the advanced corps, consisting of two battalions. Towards the close of the day, on the 14th of October, the troops rushed to the charge without firing a single gun. The works were assaulted with irresistable impetuosity, and carried with but little loss. Eight of the enemy fell in the action; but notwithstanding the irritation lately produced by the infamous slaughter in fort Griswold, not a man was killed who ceased to resist.

At the conclusion of the war, colonel Hamilton, being now married, and having a family depending for its subsistence on his personal exertions, entered, after a brief course of study, on the profession of the law. Still, however, notwithstanding the calls of his interest to the contrary, he was nnable to detach himself from public affairs.

In 1782, he was elected a member of congress from the state of New York. At the succeeding session the proceedings of that body assumed a character novel, striking, and unprece dented in vigour. Hamilton took an early and distinguished lead in all the most important measures of the session. He was uniformly a member, and several times chairman of those committees, to which was confided the high and difficult trust of reporting on such subjects as were deemed most vitally interesting to the nation. The reports prepared on these occasions, are remarkable for that eloquence, energy, and luminous wisdom which characterise so strongly all the subsequent productions of his pen. He was also mover of several of the most important resolutions to which the session gave rise.

Having ably acquitted himself of his duty to his country, colonel Hamilton returned to the practice of the law. Nor was it long till he was foremost in professional eminence.But he felt that matters of a public nature had still a claim on him which he ought not to resist.

The violence which was meditated against the property and persons of all who remained in the city during the war, called forth his generous exertions, and, by the aid of governor Clinton, the faithless and revengeful scheme was defeated. In a few years a more important affair demanded his talents. After witnessing the debility of the confederation, he was fully impressed with the necessity of an efficient general government, and he was appointed in 1787, a member of the federal convention of New York. He assisted in forming the constitution of our country. It did not indeed completely meet his wishes. He was afraid that it did not contain suffi cient means of strength for its own preservation, and that, in consequence, we should share the fate of many other republics, and pass through anarchy to despotism. He was in favour of a more permanent executive and senate. He wished for a strong government, which would not be shaken by the conflict of different interests through an extensive territory, and which should be adequate to all the forms of national exigency.

By his pen, in the papers signed Publius, and by his voice in the convention of New York, he contributed much to its adoption. When the government was organized in 1789, Washington placed him at the head of the treasury. In the new demands, which were now made upon his talents, the resources of his mind did not fail him. In his reports, he proposed plans for funding the debt of the union, and for assuming the debts of the respective states; for establishing a bank and mint; and for procuring a revenue. He wished to redeem