the crown rendered so dangerous to the constitution of both kingdoms, with a perpetual army, which might invest his majesty with too great an influence over the laws; and that any article's of war, which the king might hereafter make, would be articles of war for that kingdom; for the act extended a power over all his majesty's forces, by which means Ireland would be under the controul of an English statute, and the kingdom would become a place of arms.

The debates on this subject continued till near midnight. Sir Henry Flood took a principal part on the side of government, who carried the question by a majority of 69 against 25, and the bill was passed. This, together with the circumstances respecting the sugar bill, increased the public discontent; and several resolutions were entered into at different public meetings, that were assembled on this occasion. Amongst others, a meeting of the merchants' corps of volunteers was convened at the Royal Exchange, Dublin, when the following resolutions were passed, and ordered to be printed in the public papers.

"Resolved, That the late decisions of the House of Commons, "(so destructive, in our opinion, to the constitutional rights, and "injurious to the commercial interests of this kingdom) demand "the most serious attention of every Irishman.

"Resolved, That we consider their consent to the mandate of "the British minister, by which the bill for the regulation of the army is made perpetual, and the controul thereof for ever vested "in the hands of the crown, as a subversion of the constitution, "and a stab to the liberty of the subject.

"Resolved, That considering the army of this kingdom as a "body of men embarked in the cause of their country, and equal"ly entitled with ourselves to the protection of its legislature, we "cannot but feel for their situation, who, by this law are in danger of being made, at a future day the unwilling instruments of "despotism, to violate the liberties of Ireland.

66

"Resolved, That we consider the compliance of that house with "the alteration made in the sugar bill by the English privy coun"cil reducing the proposed duty on lump sugars, as an overthrow "to the refinery of this kingdom, and a total obstruction to the "extension of its manufactures, by an export to the British colo"nies and West-Indies.

"Resolved, That we will concur with the volunteer corps of "this kingdom, and the rest of our fellow subjects, in every ef"fort which may tend to avert the dangers we are threatened "with.

"Resolved, That the strenuous, though unsuccessful efforts, of "the minority of the House of Commons, in defence of the con

1

"stitution, merit the thanks and firm support of every friend of "his country."

Similar resolutions were entered into by other volunteer bodies, particularly the Independent Dublin and Liberty corps; as also by the citizens of Dublin in general.

The language now holden by the popular prints, bespoke at once, as well as increased the general and inveterate discontent of the people. The Hibernian Journal, or Chronicle of Liberty, and The Public Register, or Freeman's Journal, were peculiarly obnoxious to government. The House of Commons passed a vote of censure against the printers and publishers of these two papers, and addressed the lord lieutenant to give orders for effectually prosecuting the printers and publishers, and also the authors and contrivers of certain articles in those papers. The former contained the resolutions of several corps of volunteers, and others the latter gave peculiar offence, by the publication of the following paragraphs:

:

"We are happy to find, that a general meeting of the indepen"dent merchants and volunteers of this city is fixed for Tuesday " evening next, at the Music Hall. It is hoped, that their spirit "and example may animate the kingdom to rise in support of "the violated rights of Ireland; and that the nation may be re"stored by their means to those inherent privileges, which their "treacherous representatives have basely sold to the infamous "administration of Great Britain."

"It is thought, that the measures, which will be adopted on "Tuesday next, by the merchants and volunteers, will be direct"ed to effect the destruction of the betrayers of our excellent con"stitution; and as it is feared, that the Music Hall will not be "large enough to contain them, it is expected that the next meet"ing will be in the Park, or in St. Stephen's Green."

Whereupon it was

Resolved, nem. con. "That the said paragraphs contained mat"ters that are false, scandalous, seditious, and libellous, grossly "aspersing the proceedings of parliament, and most manifestly "tending to create discontents amongst his majesty's subjects, to "withdraw them from their obedience to the laws of this realm, "and to subvert the authority of the legislature of this king"dom."

This vote of censure was not so much directed against the printers and publishers, as it was aimed by the ministry at the volunteer corps, whose system and influence had become truly alarming to government. Yet such was the ascendancy which the armed associations then commanded over the minds of their

10 Journ. Com. p. 195.

countrymen, that it was found more prudent not to cast a direct censure upon, or even shew a disregard to any of those corps.

No nation on earth enters into a cause with more eagerness and cordiality than the Irish: no nation sets a higher value upon works of genius: none delights more in reading, hearing and discoursing upon the political events of their own country. ing (what Lord Clare called) the imbecility of Lord Buckinghamshire's administration, the popular mind was worked up to a degree of enthusiasm upon their rights and claims to uncontrouled civil freedom and independence: several publications helped to quicken and extend this flame; the letters, under the signatures of Owen Roe O'Niel, and Guatimozin, were distinguished by their boldness of thought and expression; by a warmth of patriotism, and a cast of original genius, peculiarily adapted to the general, as well as peculiar disposition of the Irish people at that juncture. A pamphlet, attributed to Mr. Grattan, containing great part of the substance of that great orator's speech on the 19th of April, in the House of Commons, against the right of foreign legislation, and the unconstitutional clause of perpetuity in the mutiny bill, was read with avidity, and circulated with astonishing effect. The people were on one hand encouraged by these publications to insist upon their independence ; and on the other they were goaded into soarness and irritation, by the determined opposition given in parliament to the different attempts made to bring it to bear: thus were they incensed at Mr. Grattan's resolutions against foreign legislation not finding admission to the journals: they were provoked at Mr. Yelverton's failure in procuring a modification of Poyning's law and irritated at the ineffectual effort of Mr. Forbes, to procure a bill for the independence of the judges. They were, in a word, desperate in the conviction, that a majority in their own parliament was purchased with the wealth of Ireland, to negative every question or motion, that could tend to promote their independence upon the parliament of Great Britain.

The session had been protracted to an unusual length; on the 2d of September, 1780, Lord Buckinghamshire put an end to it, by a most gracious speech from the throne. He had on the preceding day been addressed in a very adulatory style by the commons; and the return of the incense appears upon the face of his address to both houses of parliament.

"MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"I am happy at length to congratulate you on "the conclusion of this session of parliament, though the import"ant measures under deliberation must have made your attend66 ance less irksome to you.

"If your long absence from your several counties has been "productive of any inconvenience, such inconvenience is fully 66 compensated by permanent and solid benefits, the successful "consequences of your labours."

"GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,

"I THANK you in his majesty's name, for the "liberal supplies you have granted: your cheerfulness in giving, "and your attention to the ease of the subject in the mode of rais"ing them, must be very acceptable to his majesty: on my part, "I assure you they shall be faithfully applied."

66

MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"THE satisfaction, with which the heart of every Irishman must exult, at the fair scene of prosperity now opening to his country, may equal, it cannot exceed the glow of "my private feelings; and whilst you applaud the conduct of "Great Britain in removing the restrictions upon the trade of this "kingdom, you cannot but particularly acknowledge the un66 equivocal demonstrations of her sincere affection in admitting you upon the most liberal plan, to an immediate, free and equal "intercourse with her colonies.

"The wise and salutary laws, which you have framed, natural"ly lead to the most beneficial enjoyment of that intercourse : " and when I reflect on those great objects, and on your meri"torious attention to the trade, agriculture and manufactures of "this kingdom, so conspicuously manifested by the laws passed "for granting ample bounties on the export of your corn, your "linen, and your sail cloth, by the premiums for encouraging "the growth of hemp and flax-seed, and by the judicious provi"sions for the better regulation of your manufactures, I feel a "conscious satisfaction, that the commerce of this kingdom has "been established upon an extended, firm, and lasting basis; and "that Ireland must, in the course of her future prosperity, look "back to this era, the labours of the present parliament, and the "diffusive indulgence of his majesty, with a most grateful vene

"ration.

"Your own discreet judgment will naturally suggest the ex"pediency, when you return to your several counties, of impressing upon the minds of all ranks of men the various blessings of "their present situation. Demonstrate to them, that "tual source of commercial wealth is now their own, and invites every effec"that industry, without which the wisest commercial regulations "remain a dead letter, and the bounties of nature are lavished in "vain. Cherish such a spirit of industry, and convince them of "the essential advantages they derive from their free and excel"lent constitution, the maintenance of every branch of which in

VOL. II.

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234

"its just vigour and authority, can alone secure their liberties, "and preserve their happiness."

Thus ended a session, that had vainly promised in its opening the brightest prospects to Ireland. The disappointed people felt, and expressed their resentment.

At many of the different reviews, which afterwards took place, the volunteers expressed their political sentiments, and freely condemned the conduct of parliament. They were, however, far It was from being unanimous. They were not yet as completely united in sentiment, as they were drilled to the use of arms. Lord Buckinghamshire's fate to be disapproved of by the ministers of England, as well as to have dissatisfied the people of Ireof the volunteers had infused real fear into the land. The power British administration: they trembled, and condemned Lord Buckinghamshire for effects, which it was not in his power to prevent; and which, in fact, were to be immediately traced up to their dilatory, irresolute, and pernicious councils. Lord Buckinghamshire was recalled, and Lord Carlisle was appointed in his stead on the 23d of December, 1780.

In the dearth of historical documents of the affairs of Ireland during the latter end of Lord Buckinghamshire's administration, there is an advantage in being able to resort to a very interesting and delicate representation made by the most eminent statesmen in the British parliament, of the early spirit, conduct, and consequences of the Irish volunteers, before they had formed themselves into that compact and formidable body under Lord Charlemont, by means of which was brought about the Irish revolution of 1782, which according to Mr. Burket most intrinsically and substantially resembled the English revolution of 1688.

On February 23d, 1781, Mr. Jenkinson, (now Earl of Liverpool) secretary at war, moved in the British House of Commons, that the order of the day for the further consideration of the report on the Mutiny Bill be read; when Mr. Fox rose agreeably to his intimation to the house, to move for the recommitment of that bill, for the purpose of correcting a very material and im

Lord Carlisle took over with him as secretary, his protégé and friend Mr. Eden, (now Lord Auckland) who had published several letters upon political subjects to his patron; and amongst others, one on The Representations of Ire land respecting a free trade, of which Mr. Dobbs, in his History of Irish Affairs, p. 42, writes thus: "From a letter written by Mr. Eden, the secretary to Lord "Carlisle, on the subject of Irish affairs, and which had been answered by "Counsellor Richard Sheridan, we had no great reason to rejoice in this "change."

+ Letter to Lang. p. 46.

1 Parl. Deb. p. 522.

§ 1 Pari. Deb. p. 433. Mr. Jenkinson, secretary at war, informed the house, that there were some alterations made in the Mutiny Act, two of which being