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rationalists among modern critics have done, of the principle- that the end of poetry is pleasure, and that from this principle alone all the laws of its regulation must be deduced.' Of Lessing, he observes, that he seems to possess that combination of taste and philosophy-of strength of feeling and strength of thought, on which all good and original criticism depends.

Feb. 24.-Finished Farmer's Essay on Shakspeare, which I consider, with Johnson, is absolutely conclusive on Shakspeare's ignorance of Greek and Latin; the proofs are infinitely stronger and more decisive than we should expect to see adduced on the subject. His always following translations, even in their errors, and showing no acquaintance with the originals but where translations existed, is definitive.

Feb. 25.-Finished Blackwell's Life of Homer, in which he points out happily enough, but with too great an ostentation of learning, the fortunate incidents in Homer's life which concurred to favour his poetical genius. The happiest climate, -the most natural manners, the boldest language,-the most expressive religion, and the richest theme. Virgil's disadvantage in these respects, considering the people for whom and among whom he wrote, is very strikingly represented in the last section.*

March 15.-Attended church in the afternoon; charity sermon for the National Education Society. Which Mr. Edge opposed to the Lancastrian as under the government of Dissenters, urging that the Church should not be behind them in zeal. Though a clergyman cannot be answered in his place, yet he is surely amenable to the public for the folly and bigotry which he propagates.† Looked into the fourth number of the British Review. In the eleventh article they endeavoured to raise Mr. Perceval on the ruins of Mr. Pitt. This is the first attempt of the kind I have met with, and marks their politics very decidedly. In the eleventh they state it as a remark of Bishop Berkeley, that it is not the English constitution which has formed English mind and manners, but English mind and manners which have formed the English constitution.

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March 20.-Began the fifth number of the British Review. In the first article on Parliamentary Reform, they borrow the only new idea that is in it of the House of Commons having become the prominent power of the state, and the consequent necessity that the Crown and the Lords should be efficiently represented there, from the Edinburgh Re-" view, and then endeavour to vilify that work on this very subject.

March 22.-In consequence of reading of poor H. Tooke's death at twelve last night on the 18th inst.; read over again his conflict with Junius. Tooke has manifestly the best of the argument; but such is the prodigious superiority of his antagonist in power and dexterity of mind, that he has much the worst of the battle. H. Tooke evinces here the same hostility to faction, as he has ever since professed. But party

This work of Blackwell's has been attributed to Thomas Gordon :-however Bishop Berkeley is supposed to have assisted him in it-See Warton on Pope, ii. 224. The same writer also (vol. i. p. 135,) asserts that Blackwell has taken many observations from the valuable book of Gravena de Poesi, particularly in the twelfth section. See Irvine's Lives of the Scotch Poets, p. 170. "Blackwell's unfortunate admiration of the style and manner of Lord Shaftsbury has betrayed him into perpetual affectation."-See also D'Israeli's Miscellanies, p. 91, on the style of Blackwell; and Warton's Pope, vol. iv. p. 379. This work was translated into French by Mr. Q. de Roissy, Paris, An 7, 8vo. See Fournier, Dict. Bibliog.

There is surely not much bigotry or folly in this declaration, stated simply as it is.-ED.

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(which is what he means) seems in the very essence of our constitution of government, and happily supplies that want of principle, upon which, in such a condition of society as that we live in, it betrays a miserable want of judgment permanently to rely.-Looked over Johnson's Tracts, collected by Gleig. Under the review of Evans's America, he considers the apprehension that the North American Colonies will break off their dependance on England, as chimerical and vain, and he prophesies that if they do, they will fall into the hands of France. He has borrowed in his Life of Pope several thoughts from his review of Warton's Essay on Pope. In this piece he has a critique which we should little expect, on Handel's setting of Dryden's Ode, to which he objects that a stress is laid on Timotheus cries,' which ought to have been regarded as merely parenthetical. Johnson's power of mind is on all occasions manifest.

March 23.-Went and saw the murderers executed ;* the expectation and preparation dreadful, but the mind instantly relieved by the drop, to a degree that satisfies one that frequent executions would soon render us insensible to their horror. Threwer, an old man, lame and meagre, and with a wizen countenance, apparently quite cool, and the woman stood firm. The effect on the multitude of spectators by no means striking. March 28.-Looked into a supplementary volume of Johnson's Works by Stockdale. His vindication of the licencers is a fine and masterly piece of irony, and shows that he could breathe the sentiments of liberty for the purpose of faction, with all the fervour of a Whig patriot. Many of his proposed emendations on Macbeth strike me as very stupendous ! He has put more self-abasement into Dr. Dodd's mouth, than I suppose

he could well bear.

GOLDSMITH'S INTERCOURSE WITH VOLTAIRE. Mr. URBAN, Cork, June 18. I WISH that your Correspondent A. B., whose letter appeared in your number for this month (p. 584), had more satisfactorily explained the anachronisms, &c. pointed out by me in a preceding number regarding Goldsmith's presence at the dispute between Fontenelle, Diderot, and Voltaire, in Paris, as related by Goldsmith in his Life or Memoir of Voltaire. That Mr. Prior's narrative unequivocally expressed the fact of Goldsmith's presence on that occasion, and that he drew the conclusion from Goldsmith's own words, is pretty evident. Every review of the biography that I have seen, construed these words in the same sense. The Edinburgh, No. 131, p. 224, distinctly says, that, "by some accident or other Goldsmith, while in Paris, got into the company of Voltaire." And the Quarterly, No. 114, p. 290, clearly includes Voltaire in the "distinguished society to which Goldsmith represented himself as having

found access at Paris;" for one of the proofs adduced by the reviewer is founded on Goldsmith's account of the above-mentioned dispute, and the belief of his having assisted at what he had so graphically described. The reviewer it would, however, seem, mistook Monrion, near Lausanne, where Voltaire resided in 1755, and where Goldsmith did, in fact, see him, for a part of Paris, where it is impossible, as I have shewn, that these two distinguished men could ever have met.

Your Correspondent, conscious of this truth, endeavours to palliate the departure from it, by stating, that Goldsmith's Memoirs was a hasty production, which I would accept as an excuse for any inadvertency not dependant on Goldsmith's own knowledge or personal act; but it utterly fails as an extenuation, when he represents himself as eye and ear-witness of what he could never have seen or heard. Again, A. B. would have us believe that the statement was not

* A man named Smith, hanged for conspiring with his wife in the destruction of her own child, his daughter-in-law. Threwer for a murder at Crutfield; I believe singularly discovered, after a long interval.-ED.

Goldsmith's, who was rather the translator of than actor in the occurrence; but the final paragraph refutes this apologetic attempt, for the author thus emphatically concludes-" I must confess that, whether from national partiality, or from the elegant sensibility of his manner (Voltaire), I never was so much charmed; nor did I ever remember so absolute a victory as he gained in the dispute.”—(Miscell. Works, vol. III. p. 224.) Can this expressed feeling of national partiality apply to a foreigner, whom we must suppose the author to be, if Goldsmith was only a translator, or does it not clearly denote Goldsmith himself? And yet, Voltaire was neither at the time, nor on the spot, when and where he is made so eminently triumphant !

If all this should bear so directly, as your Correspondent apprehends, " on poor Goldsmith's character for veracity and integrity," he must certainly discover some more tenable grounds of vindication. He must prove, either that Voltaire was in Paris when Goldsmith was in that capital in 1755, or that the latter did not intend to convey to his readers, that the person who relates the anecdote was himself. But that Voltaire continued absent from Paris during the long interval of 1750 to 1778, is demonstrable from his correspondence, and the uniform testimony of his biographers; and that Goldsmith meant no other than himself, as the witness and narrator of the conversation, is clear from the unvarying construction of his text by every reviewer, as well as by Mr. Prior himself.

But a deduction of dates will not only disprove Goldsmith's participation in the dramatic scene, but compel us to pronounce the whole a creation of his fancy—

"And dates are chiels that winna ding, And downa be refuted."

vested with so much interest. On this point, I adduce an irrefragable authority that of Grimm, or possibly that of Diderot himself; for their special articles are not always distinguished in the joint work-" Les Mémoires Historiques, Littéraires, &c. par le Baron de Grimm et M. Diderot." In volume i. page 339, (Lond. 1814) on reviewing the life and character of Fontenelle, immediately after his death, which occurred the 9th of January 1757, it is added, "M. Diderot l'ayant vu, il y a deux ou trois ans, pour la première fois de sa vie, ne put s'empêcher de verser quelques larmes . . M. de Fontenelle. . . . . lui demanda compte de ces pleurs. J'éprouve, lui répondit M. Diderot, un sentiment singulier. Au mot de sentiment, M. de Fontenelle l'arrêta et lui dit en souvient: Monsieur, il y a quatrevingts ans que j'ai relégué le sentiment dans l'églogue.'

The entire fabric of the story, is thus overthrown; for it will not surely be pretended, that Diderot, who was nearly sixty years younger than Fontenelle, and who, in this first interview, was so deeply affected at the sight of expiring genius, could have entered into the lists of dispute with the dying centenarian, who only heard through an ear-trumpet, and who most certainly was not then to be found" in a select company of wits of both sexes-reviling, with a spirit truly vulgar, English taste and learning, till about twelve o'clock," as Goldsmith depicts him on the occasion; and where he remained until three in the morning hearkening to his relentless victor-Voltaire !!! The circumstance in itself is doubtless of little moment, and can only derive interest in association with great names. Goldsmith, however, we know was not renowned for that stern regard for truth which so eminently marked his less amiable friend, Johnson will his fame much suffer from this particular deviation from it. Yet he, "who could adorn every thing" by his magic touch and the enchantment of his language, might well have dispensed with such aberrations-

; nor

for it will be found that Diderot and Fontenelle, the other persons of the drama, never met until two or three years before the decease of the latter, who was then ninety-seven or ninetyeight years old, when Voltaire, the protogonist of the fiction, was in Switzerland, and when the real conversation was foreign, indeed, from that which the pen of Goldsmith has in- But, as he says of himself, under the

ὅς τις καὶ τα καλά ψευδὴ λέγων Οὐ τοῖσδε χρῆται ταῖς καλοῖσα ἀληθέσιν. (Eurip. Incest. Trag. 71.)

character of George Primrose in the Vicar of Wakefield, "he wrote for bread," and calculated on the effects of a striking anecdote. It is, however, beyond doubt, that the prominent personages of this trilogic (see Schiller's Wallenstein) never did meet together in Paris; for Fontenelle and Diderot never saw each other until 1754 or 1755, as we have either Diderot's own testimony, or the equivalent one of his literary partner, for asserting; and Voltaire had left that capital in June 1750, not to return until February 1778, twenty-one years after the death of Fontenelle.

Goldsmith must, indeed, have greatly reckoned on the ignorance of his readers, when he thus produced three interlocutors of the highest eminence, to whom he assigned parts in signal variance with the ascertained position, character, and feelings of each of them. Voltaire, it was well known, was not in Paris; Fontenelle was not unfavourable to English taste or learning; and we have seen how little disposed Diderot could have been to engage in controversy with the Nestor of French literature: yet, the last was only two years consigned to his grave, and the others were resplendent in European celebrity, when thus exhibited to the English in 1759! Fontenelle's avoidance of contest, at any sacrifice, was notorious; Truth itself was secondary to it. "Si j'avais la main pleine de vérités je n'oserais l'ouvrir," was his emphatic declaration, lest dispute should arise-pusillanimous, no doubt, but significative of the man. And, for his sentiments in regard to Englishmen, it is sufficient to refer to his magnificent Eloge de Neuton, (sic) Œuvres de Fontenelle, tome vi. p. 327. Paris, 1752, in 12mo,*-where, though him

*These volumes were printed by Bru net, an ancestor of the compiler of the Manuel du Libraire. Several of the existing French printers can trace a filiation of nearly two centuries-the De Bures, Didots, and others. The learned family of the Estienne, or Stephens, lived in the Rue St. Jacques till the close of the last century, having continued in the possession for above 250 years. Our own Longmans, Paynes, Baldwins, &c. are also entitled to claim a remote professional ancestry. I could name others in Italy, Belgium, &c. and a curious article might,

self, from aversion to novelty, an adherent of the elder school of Descartes, as may be inferred from his Pluralité des Mondes, he not only pays ample homage to English genius, but, what continental jealousy then anxiously controverted, he unhesitatingly adjudged the discovery of the fluxional calculus to our illustrious countryman, preferably to Leibnitz. His words deserve transcription: M. Neuton est constamment le premier, et, de plusieurs années, le premier. M. Leibnitz, de son côté, est le premier qui ait publié ce calcul; et s'il l'avait pris de M. Neuton, il ressemblerait au Promethée de la fable, qui déroba le feu aux dieux, pour en faire part aux hommes." (p. 332.) With respect to Voltaire's defence of English learning and taste, he was liberal, indeed, in conceding the former; but, taste he utterly and invariably denied us; and how often, in illustration, has he perverted the sense of Shakspeare and Milton, as Mrs. Montague and others have shown? His ridiculous version (tradutore e traditore, as the Italians say, would here well apply) of the first scenes of Shakspeare's Julius Cæsar, is sufficient evidence of his disingenuousness. (See his Commentaires sur Corneille.) His own Mort de César, far inferior, indeed, to Shakspeare's, is singular for the absence of female characters;-an experiment that did not succeed; for it is never exhibited. What would the French stage do without love-scenes?

Readers are not often disposed to scrutinize the grounds and sources of pleasurable communications; "se non e vero," &c.; and no one knew better than Goldsmith the influence of an interesting episode or lively interlude, or, indeed, appears to have been less scrupulous in resorting to any instrument of effect. What, to the timorous conscience of your correspondent, assumes a character of gravity, was to him a light and venial exercise of ingenuity, as a means of livelihood. Mr. Prior, on the testimony of Dr. Percy, describes him as laughing at the success of the claptrap title of his book,

"

Letters on English History from a

I think, be framed on the subject. The Aldi, Stephani, and Elzevirs have had, and deserved to have, special biographers.

Nobleman to his Son," which was long ascribed to, and never disavowed by Lord Lyttleton, but which Mr. Prior evidently shows was Goldsmith's. I am far from being the advocate of any artifice, as this letter sufficiently testifies; and I regret that an author who has ever been the object of my admiration, should have laid himself open to any moral censure; but, in disclosing a truth, in defiance of Fon tenelle's maxim, I think that I perform a duty, and do an useful act, "TOUTWV ἐγὼ ἡδίω μὲν ἄν εἶχαν ὑμῖν ἕτερα ἐπιστελλείν, οὐ μέντοι χρησιμώτερα γε. (Thucyd. Z.id.). It is, however, I must say, a matter of surprise to me, that a statement, so incompatible with known facts and dates, should have escaped the vigilance of Mr. Prior, or the penetration of the reviewers, "Non erat tanti, perhaps they thought;" but A. B. has viewed the circumstance more seriously.

It may not be unacceptable to your readers to learn, that, though Voltaire was born at Châtenay, a village five miles from Paris (20 February 1694), his father and family's residence at the time was at No. 26, Rue des Marmousets, back of the Marché aux Fleurs, and near le Palais de Justice. Diderot, born at Langres, in 1713, editor, with D'Alembert, of the Encyclopedie, &c. lived at the corner of Rue St. Bénoit (St. Germain). In powers of conversation, he was exceeded by no man in Paris, certainly not by Fontenelle, nor even by Voltaire. He might, in that respect, however, rather be compared to Coleridge then to Johnson; but his writings betray a lamentable perversion of talents, like those of Voltaire. To say something striking, and to appear brilliant, every feeling of moral duty or social decency was set at nought:

-"tanto vi transporta L'amor de l'apperenza, e'l su pensiero." Dante Parad. xxix. 86.

Fontenelle inhabited, I have been informed, la Rue St. Anne. At his death he wanted only a few days of a full century (11th February 1657 to 9th January 1757), and had been above .circum.. eighty years an author;

stances, I venture to assert, unexampled in the records of literary life. Hippocrates, it is said, attained the age GENT. MAG. VOL. VIII.

of 104; but we can have no certainty of the fact. A. B.'s letter suggests a few other corrections which I submit to his notice: He states, that Goldsmith's Memoir "brings down the life of Voltaire only to the period of his departure from the court of Berlin in 1750;" but that year was the period of his departure for, not from the court of Berlin, where he arrived in July (Correspondence Générale, Lettre à M. D'Argental, 24 Juillet 1750), and remained until March 1753 (Lettre à M. D'Argens).* He had previously, in 1741 and 1743, paid two short visits to Frederic.

Monrion, where Goldsmith appears actually to have seen Voltaire, was a country retreat, which the latter inhabited for the first time in December 1755. On the 10th December of that year he writes to his friend D'Argental, "Je vais d'Alpe en Alpe passer une partie de l'hiver dans un petit ermitage, appelé Monrion, au pied de Lausanne, à l'abri du cruel vent du nord;" and he dates his next letter, the 16th, from that place. By a previous letter at the end of October, about six weeks before, he states, that he was preparing to remove thither, when stopped by the death of the person, a favourite porter, who had provided the house for him. "J'allais," he says, "à cette maison, où j'avais fait porter mes livres ... Mon Suisse est mort... J'ai été très affligé, très derangé." The date of his first possession of the house, is thus fixed between the 10th and 16th December 1755; and, as Goldsmith is represented as having landed at Dover the 1st of February 1756, their interview, at Monrion, must have occurred in that interval-probably, either at the end of December 1755, or early in January 1756, and not in May 1755, as your correspondent would give us to understand. Voltaire resided alternately at Les Delices in summer, and at Monrion in winter, until 1759, when he became proprietor of Ferney.

*This same error has, I find, crept into my Letter, inserted in the Gentleman's Magazine for April; but there the context shows that it is one of the press, or an inadvertence of the pen. If the passage in A. B.'s letter authorize the same inference, I grant him most willingly the full benefit of it.

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