• 1734.]

WARS IN EUROPE.

"He stood

majority of seventeen. Walpole felt that this was a defeat. some time after the House was up, leaning against the table with his hat pulled over his eyes, some few friends with melancholy countenances round him; whilst his enemies, with the gaiety of so many bridegrooms, seemed as just entering upon the enjoyment of what they had been so long pursuing."* After the debate sir Robert assembled about a dozen of his friends at supper. He told them, gaily, "This dance it will no farther go; and to-morrow I On the 11th Walpole proposed in the Commons intend to sound a retreat." that the second reading of the Bill should be deferred for two months. This was carried without a division. As sir Robert passed through the lobby this night, there was a serious scuffle between the multitude and the civil power; and the portly minister had a narrow escape from being trampled to death amidst friends and foes. Universal was the rejoicing at the defeat of the government-measure. Bonfires and illuminations lighted up every town. Cockades were worn, inscribed "Liberty, Property, and no Excise." The Court and the ministry were revenged upon some of the great household officers, whose connexions had voted against the measure, by dismissing the lukewarm friends from their employments. Colonels were deprived of their regiments for their obnoxious votes-a practice unjustifiable, but which was not laid aside even in the reign of George III. In the next Session, when the dealers in tea petitioned against the excise regulations of an Act of George I., and Pulteney suggested that "the wicked scheme of an honourable gentleman" might not yet be laid aside, Walpole thus replied: "As to the wicked scheme, as the gentleman is pleased to call it, which he would persuade gentlemen is not yet laid aside, I, for my own part, can assure this House, I am not so mad as ever again to engage in anything that looks like an Excise, though in my own private opinion I still think it was a scheme that would have tended very much to the interest of the nation."

The last Session of the Parliament chosen in 1727 was opened by the king on the 17th of January, 1734. The policy of a government anxious to maintain neutrality whilst other nations were at war, and at the same time to make it understood that a strong desire for peace was no symptom of national weakness, was never more emphatically expressed than in the words which Walpole put into the mouth of George II. A new quarrel had broken out in Europe upon the death, in 1733, of Augustus II., king of Poland. Austria France supported the elecand Russia advocated the succession of his son. tion of Stanislaus, who had been king before Augustus. The war assumed a more general character, and revived some of the old disputes between France, Spain, and Austria. An army of French, Spaniards, and Sardinians overran Austria. Lombardy, Naples, and Sicily were invaded by Don Carlos, duke of Parma, the son of the queen of Spain; and the Austrians being unable to resist, he was crowned king of Naples and Sicily as Charles III. On the Rhine the war was conducted by prince Eugene, still vigorous, against Marshal Berwick. The son of James II. was killed at the siege of Philipsburg. The companion in arms of Marlborough held his ground in this camUnder the circumstances which we paign, and died two years after. can only thus briefly indicate, the king of England wisely spoke

* Lord Hervey, vol. i. p. 195.

72

NEUTRALITY OF GREAT BRITAIN.

[1734. to his Parliament: "The war, which is now begun, and carried on against the Emperor, with so much vigour, by the united powers of France, Spain, and Sardinia, is become the object of the care and attention of all Europe; and though I am no ways engaged in it, and have had no part, except by my good offices, in those transactions, which have been declared to be the principal causes and motives of it, I cannot sit regardless of the present events, or be unconcerned for the future consequences, of a war, undertaken and supported by so powerful an alliance. * **The resolutions of the British parliament, in so nice a juncture, are of too great moment not to be carefully attended to, and impatiently expected, by all, and not the least by those, who will hope to take advantage from your determinations, whatever they shall be, and to turn them to the prejudice of this kingdom. It must therefore be thought most safe and prudent, thoroughly to weigh and consider all circumstances before we come to a final determination. As I shall have, in all my considerations upon this great and important affair, the strictest regard to the honour of my crown, and to the good of my people, and be governed by no other views, I can make no doubt, but that I may entirely depend on the support and assistance of my parliament, without exposing myself, by any precipitate declarations, to such inconveniences, as ought, as far as possible, to be avoided. In the mean time, I am persuaded you will make such provisions as shall secure my kingdoms, rights, and possessions, from all dangers and insults, and maintain the respect due to the British nation. Whatever part it may, in the end, be most reasonable for us to act, it will, in all views, be necessary, when all Europe is preparing for arms, to put ourselves in a proper posture of defence."

The great merit of sir Robert Walpole, in resolutely maintaining the policy of neutrality, may be better appreciated from the circumstance that the king and queen were opposed to his pacific views. George used daily to tell his minister "that it was with the sword alone he desired to keep the balance of Europe. He could not bear the thought of growing old in peace, and rusting in the cabinet, whilst other princes were busied in war, and shining in the field."* The observant Vice-Chamberlain says that the queen, with all her good sense, was as unmanageable as the king. "Wherever the interest of Germany and the honour of the empire were concerned, her thoughts and reasonings were often as German and Imperial as if England had been out of the question." The perseverance of Walpole had its reward. He was odious at Vienna; but before the end of the summer of 1734, George said to his minister, "I have followed your advice, Walpole, in keeping quiet, contrary often to my own opinion, and sometimes I have thought contrary even to my honour, but I am convinced you advised me well." The king had discovered that overtures of friendship from all parties had been the result of the pacific policy of his minister; that as a possible mediator he was of more importance than as a rash belligerent. Walpole continuing firm in maintaining the neutrality of England, in conjunction with the States-General, the emperor sent an emissary to London, to intrigue with some members of the Opposition against the prime minister. Sir Robert detected the Austrian agent, and the Abbé Strickland, bishop of

* Lord Hervey, "Memoirs," vol. i. p. 3

Ibid.,

P. 373.

Ibid., p. 381.

1784.]

MOTION FOR THE REPEAL OF THE SEPTENNIAL ACT.

73

which Namur, was obliged to depart, although he had been graciously received at queen, court. The pacific minister had an argument for the king and sounds like insular selfishness, but which insular common sense will always applaud: "There are fifty thousand men slain this year in Europe, and not one Englishman." Under the mediation of England and Holland, peace was concluded in 1735. By this pacification, France added Lorraine to her territory. This acquisition, it has been argued even of late years, "disturbed the balance of Europe to a degree that Europe never has recovered." We are told that as a general question, it cannot be doubted that Austria is a natural ally of England, because France has been, and always must be, the most formidable enemy to both."*

The repeal of the Septennial Act was the great domestic question of this Session. The party that advocated a return to triennial parliaments would possess the superior popularity in the coming elections. No doubt many who now opposed the government upon this measure would be open to the charge of inconsistency; for "Whig patriots," especially Pulteney, had supported the Septennial Act of 1716. Bolingbroke, the arch enemy of Walpole, was at hand to combat every scruple of conscience, and induce the listeners to his sophistries to believe that political tergiversation was a virtue. The prime minister must be struck down, and for that purpose any weapon was lawful. In the debate upon this constitutional question, sir William Wyndham, the great Tory chief, made an attack upon Walpole, which Walpole treated as the inspiration of Bolingbroke. Over the parliamentary bitterness of adverse factions oblivion mercifully spreads her veil in most But in this case, the portrait of Walpole drawn by Wyndham, and the portrait of Bolingbroke drawn by Walpole, are master-pieces of invective, which take us into the very heart of those days when the right honorable member in the blue ribbon had to endure the taunts of his adversaries with rare equanimity, or to turn upon them like a noble animal at bay, as he did upon this memorable occasion.

cases.

The debate has been proceeding There has been a call of the House. during several hours. Sir William Barnard, the Whig member for London, has spoken for the repeal with that strong sense which Walpole always acknowledged as more difficult for him to answer than the declamation of Pulteney, Lyttelton, or Pitt. Sir William Wyndham rises in reply to sir William Yonge. He goes through all the arguments against the Septennial Act with the adroitness of a ready debater. At the close of his speech he rises to a height of eloquence which scarcely belongs to his parliamentary character: "We have been told, sir, in this House, that no faith is to be given to prophecies, therefore I shall not pretend to prophesy; but I may suppose a case, which, though it has not yet happened, may possibly happen. Let us then suppose, sir, a man abandoned to all notions of virtue or honour, of no great family, and of but a mean fortune, raised to be chief minister of state by the concurrence of many whimsical events; afraid or unwilling to trust any but creatures of his own making, and most of them equally abandoned to all notions of virtue or honour; ignorant of the true history of his country, and consulting nothing but that of enriching and aggrandizing

VOL. VI.

* Mr. Croker. Note on Lord Hervey, vol. i. p. 375.

G

74

WYNDHAM'S CHARACTER OF WALPOLE,

[1734. himself and his favourites; in foreign affairs, trusting none but those whose education makes it impossible for them to have such knowledge or such qualifications as can either be of service to their country, or give any weight or credit to their negotiations. Let us suppose the true interest of the nation, by such means, neglected or misunderstood; her honour and credit lost; her trade insulted; her merchants plundered; and her sailors murdered; and all these things overlooked, only for fear his administration. should be endangered. Suppose him, next, possessed of great wealth, the plunder of the nation, with a parliament of his own choosing, most of their seats purchased, and their votes bought at the expense of the public treasure. In such a parliament, let us suppose attempts made to inquire into his conduct, or to relieve the nation from the distress he has brought upon it; and when lights proper for attaining those ends are called for, not perhaps for the information of the particular gentlemen who call for them, but because nothing can be done in a parliamentary way, till these things be in a proper way laid before parliament; suppose these lights refused, these reasonable requests rejected, by a corrupt majority of his creatures, whom he retains in daily pay, or engages in his particular interest, by granting them those posts and places which ought never to be given to any but for the good of the public. Upon this scandalous victory, let us suppose this chief minister pluming himself in defiances, because he finds he has got a parliament, like a packed jury, ready to acquit him at all adventures. Let us further suppose him arrived to that degree of insolence and arrogance, as to domineer over all the men of ancient families, all the men of sense, figure, or fortune in the nation, and, as he has no virtue of his own, ridiculing it in others, and endeavouring to destroy or corrupt it in all. I am still not prophesying, sir, I am only supposing; and the case I am going to suppose I hope never will happen. But with such a minister and such a parliament, let us suppose a prince upon the throne, either for want of true information, or for some other reason, ignorant and unacquainted with the inclinations and the interest of his people; weak, and hurried away by unbounded ambition and insatiable avarice. This case, sir, has never yet happened in this nation. I hope, I say, it will never exist. But as it is possible it may, could there any greater curse happen to a nation, than such a prince on the throne, advised, and solely advised, by such a minister, and that minister supported by such a parliament."

Pelham has spoken against the motion, and Pulteney has argued briefly and feebly for it. The Speaker, Onslow, calls upon sir Robert Walpole. All eyes turn eagerly to look upon the man who calmly rises, to say that he did not intend to trouble the House in this debate, but as pictures of imaginary persons had been drawn, he hoped he might be allowed to draw a picture in his turn: "Now, sir, let me too suppose, and the House being cleared, I am sure that no one that hears me can come within the description of the person I am to suppose. Let us suppose in this, or in some other unfortunate country, an anti-minister, who thinks himself a person of so great and extensive parts, and of so many eminent qualifications, that he looks upon himself as the only person in the kingdom capable to conduct the public affairs of the nation; and therefore christening every other gentleman who has the honour to be employed in the administration by the name of Blunderer.

1731.]

WALPOLE'S CHARACTER OF BOLINGBROKE.

75

Suppose this fine gentleman, lucky enough to have gained over to his party some persons really of fine parts, of ancient families, and of great fortunes, and others of desperate views, arising from disappointed and malicious

hearts; all these gentlemen, with respect to their political behaviour, moved by him, and by him solely; all they say, either in private or public, being only a repetition of the words he has put into their mouths, and a spitting out of that venom which he has infused into them; and yet we may suppose this leader not really liked by any, even of those who so blindly follow him, and hated by all the rest of mankind. We will suppose this anti-minister to be in a country where he really ought not to be, and where he could not have been but by an effect of too much goodness and mercy; yet endeavouring, with all his might and with all his art, to destroy