is a blossom of too pure a nature to bear the pestilential breath of sin, but droops and withers beneath the blighting taint. Julia we have seen mournful and unhappy, and let us follow her lover, if this be not a desecration of that name, and trace him in his lonely walk from her cottage to the scene of gaiety in which he was to mix. His path lay along the banks of the river, whose wide flowing streams tremulously reflecting in its waves, as its surface was lightly rippled by the evening breeze, the beams of the silvery moon. It was a still evening; no sound broke upon the silence, save the distant bark of the farmer's house-dog, as he "bayed the moon," or the heavy and measured stroke of some of the lighters who were plying on the river. M'Naghten felt the melancholy of the hour, well suited to his state of mind; but oh! there was a softness and a purity around the scene that ill accorded with the gloominess of his soul. His thoughts reverted to her whom he had once loved with all the passionate ardour of his fiery temperament, and whom he believed still loved him, for how else could he account for the sudden breaking off of her projected marriage, but by supposing that her fidelity to him had even braved a father's wrath, and then she had kept the ring, the sacred pledge of his solemn vow. Was not this, perhaps, the only mode that her father's jealousy afforded, of signifying to him her unchangeable attachment? "O why," he exclaimed with bitterness to himself, "why did I not think of all these things, when I foolishly imagined she had given me up, and when I endeavoured to bestow my heart upon another, and her father had gone away from home and taken her with him. This was, probably, in wrath at her opposition to his wishes with respect to the bestowal of her hand; and thus," thought he with bitterness and selfreproach, "she is borne far from the scenes of her nativity and youth; she is gone into exile for her fidelity to me, while I have been untrue to her, and false to my oath." All these M Naghten had often thought before, and it was these maddening reflections that had been long preying upon his soul;

but this evening they returned with peculiar force upon his mind. He continued to pursue this train of gloomy meditation until he was roused from it by the challenge of the sentry at the city gate. He gave the countersign, and passed on. He proceeded to his apartments, dressed himself in his uniform, and hurried to the ball-room.

When he entered, he found the festivities of the evening long since commenced. There were the light and sylph-like forms of many a fair one moving in the mazy dance; and bright eyes were laughing in all the pride of conscious beauty; and the melody of the music was swelling in enchanting sweetness. Just as he came within the room, the band struck up an air which often, in other days, he had listened to from Margaret's harp. His whole mind was absorbed in the recollections this excited; and, forgetful of the scene around, he stood in a musing mood, in one corner of the room, wrapped in his own thoughts. At last, one of his brother-officers, who acted as steward on the occasion, approached up, and playfully rallied him on his thoughtlessness. Why, I protest, M'Naghten," said he, "this is too bad; you are almost the only bachelor among us, and all the ladies are casting such longing glances at you, and here you are just like an automaton, thinking, I suppose, of the little beauty at the cottage. Eh! M'Naghten," said he archly; come, and I will introduce you to a partner, whose black eyes I think will banish her from your mind." M'Naghten smiled at the raillery of his companion, and permitted himself to be led almost unconsciously along. The lady to whom he was about to be introduced was earnestly engaged in conversation with another who was seated next her. M'Naghten was too abstracted to take notice of her name as it was repeated by his companion. At the sound she turned round. Her glance met M'Naghten's. Is it but a phantom that mocks his sight, or is he in a dream? He knew not what he said, or what he did. He felt his brain to reel with indistinct and confused perceptions. Gracious heaven! it was Miss K! !

" but

"

A sentence which has obtained the weight of a political axiom, might fairly stand as the subject of our present considerations. The sentence is, that a national religion is a national curse! a positive obstacle to power and prosperity. Hence our men of skill, and for the most parts our disinterested patriots, who have reluctantly emerged from obscurity and generously conferred themselves on the erring public, as counsellors and champions, proclaim the great evil of our empire to be her connection with religion, her infatuated support of a bloated, bigoted, and useless church! The Protestant religion is denounced under the title of "State Church," as the fruitful source of all calamities, at least of every discontent and distress; while it does not escape the just accusation of being to pure Christianity, the life and extension of pure Christianity, the most deadly enemy!! The revenues which support this "State Church," are extracted from the miseries of the people, their very labour is taxed to swell the purses of our pompous Prelates! Hence we are told, the pride and insolence of those prelates, their heartless indifference to the spiritual and physical ills of the poor, combined with the keenest attention to their own interests, close the door for ever against their usefulness in every moral and religious consideration. Who could credit them for any anxiety or sincere endeavour to bless the poor and needy, did they even wear the form of benevolence and Christian charity? While the very splendor and ceremony of the establishment in all its rituals, bordering more on paganism or popery, than expressive of that simple worship peculiar to pure Christianity, must wither every affection for religion in the minds of rich and poor, learned and unlearned, moral and immoral equally!! What a glorious genius that man must have, who could

answer and confound such an array of impeachments? For our parts, we are content with leaving them untouched, merely denying the first position, the basis of all such and similar accusations, "There is no state church or religion in Britain!" Were there a religious sect patronised by the nation, suffered to grow and increase under her protection, we should acknowledge it, and even stand prepared to vindicate such preference or adoption, if that sect were Christian. But in truth, no such preference or partiality exists; many sects are toleratedChristian and Deistic, in some instances, (without partiality) receive maintenance from the public funds. There is no state church-no especial favourite creed or sect now nourished in the bosom of our policy. But Britain was, until lately, a church state. and even yet retains some semblance of her former glorious condition.

It was the law-it was the very essence of her constitution, to live under the sanctions, the doctrines, the truth of scriptural Christianity. She stood not in the exalted attitude of a parent or patronness, but dwelt as a child at the foot of that religion, which she knew to be of God. This was her pride-her strength-her safety. She was a Christian state; as an individual, she professed her faith in the statements of God-as an empire, acknowledged none as her members, constituents, or officers, save only those who subscribed publicly to the truths of Scripture. However, times have changed, and with them tastes and opinions. Christian nation is a term almost obsolete; and whatever remnant of public Christianity yet adheres to our constitution, is assailed as a nuisance! Absolutely, the grand principle of policy in modern repute is, that however well religion may answer for private life-however honourable it may be in a government, to tolerate every creed, and even grant support as well as pro

A

tection to every various religion, yet any national acknowledgment of faith, while it is relative injustice to all dissenting persuasions, is positive inconsistency with wisdom-contrary to sound policy-certain death to prosperity!

Let us pause a moment: can this be true? Christianity may answer well for an individual, but is a curse to a nation! On what ground can any man support such a position? On none that will bear the scrutiny of reason. If it be said, that there is no analogy betwen an individual and a nation, we ask, what is a nation, but an aggregate of individuals? Is there no resemblance betweee the integral part and the aggregate? If national religion be branded with the title of injustice or partiality, we demand, is there not reason-is it not just and good, that a father believing one creed, should profess that creed, and maintain it firmly in his household, while he may tolerate the dissent of some branches of his family, or endure with patience the marked contradiction of others? What is a nation but a family? And what a government, but the parent and the head? Should it be agreed that no public profession of religion can be advanced until the only true religion has been selected from conflicting sects and doctrines, we may allow the full propriety of delay, and labour to make such selection. But in the case of Britain this is unheeded; the truth is known among her people-the scriptural religion of Jesus Christ has long been discovered and professed.

And now, to speak briefly, without the least possible exposure to error, or just contradiction, if there be a God at all-if he has spoken plainly on the subject, nations are not only accountable for moral conduct to the great Ruler of all powers, but are summoned, on the peril of utter ruin and annihilation, to confess the truth, profess the truth, and maintain the truth of Christianity. We challenge every fair investigation of history, and demand, what people or empire ever prospered or stood high or long in the rank of nations, that did not bow to the Deity, and assert, and vindicate his true worship? We may be directed to examine the kingdoms now crumbled away, which, in the grossness of heathen

idolatry, possessed wealth, laws, and power, having no parallel in modern times: yet we ask where are they now? And what were they in the zenith of prosperity? The home of every vice and ferocity, and in the world successively the scourge of providence over other profligate idolatrous kingdoms, the rod of judgment, broken and cast away when vengeance was fulfilled. Descending along the stream of time, what nations were raised to any permanent power after the general proclamation of Christianity? None but those which cherished the truth and were marshalled under its profession. Since the Reformation, we confess, France has been forward and notorious rather than exalted. Her rejection of religious reform-her cold and bloody treachery towards the leaders of that reform-her continued abhorrence of improvement, sealed her doom. She has, in divine justice, been made to drink blood, and when lately lifted up upon the world, after scenes of domestic slaughter, it was to pass through the countries of Europe, in which base superstition was preferred before pure Christianity, to execute the sentence of Jehovah. That work accomplished, and still impenitent herself, she is given up to a madness productive of anarchy, hurrying her to perdition.

However, to the proof that nations are unaccountable for religious profession. Rejecting every public acknowledgment of the true God, an empire is virtually infidel, or rather idolatrous, adoring its own wisdom-trusting to its own disgression. For such sins precisely Tyre now lies waste-a spreading place for nets :-" Son of man, say unto the princes of Tyrus, thus saith the Lord God, because thine heart was lifted up, and thou hast said, I am a god, I sit in the seat of God, in the midst of the seas: yet thou art a man and not God, though thou set thine heart as the heart of God: behold, thou art wiser than Daniel, there is no secret that they can hide from thee; with thy wisdom, and with thine understanding, thou hast gotten thee riches and hast gotten gold, and silver into thy treasures: by thy great wisdom, and by thy traffic, hast thou increased thy riches, and thine heart is lifted up because of thy riches. Therefore, thus saith the Lord God, because thou

Of

it did lie there, a heavy burden. We know, repetition in crime usually makes conscience callous; sears it with a hot iron; and leaves, at last, the workers of iniquity to pursue their evil courses without remorse. But in Britain an exception to this rule was found. It seems as if there were some crimes to which conscience can never be stupified. these, the system of what we may call public perjury was one. It was practised to a fearful extent-was practised repeatedly! Yet it did not torpify the conscience, but drove it into madness. The criminals raged under the poignant sense of guilt, and determined to cast it off. Buthow? Not by a faithful repentance; not by a sincere conversion to the religion they had outraged, but by destroying the oaths and protestations to which they could not in honesty submit to which they had so often submitted in dishonesty. They determined, by a political murder, to silence the voice which gave them torment: and they did it! The Test Act was repealed; the great bulwark of national religion was cast down; the door of office and legislation was thrown open to men who had previously entered by dishonour and profanity, as well as to men who, respecting oaths and conscience, had stood back from seeking honors and appointments by the sacrifice of every common principle. Thus fell, thus perished, one great department or article of our national profession. In the perfect form of our religious constitution, it was essential that king and officers should be Christian. It is so no more. The king alone must venerate religion now, while all his ministers and senate, all his merely political subjects, may be blasphemers! We have heard it, and read it too, that herein lies an intolerable grievance upon royal majesty. If subjects are relieved from the burden of religious service, why not the king? Truly the supporters of this sentiment deserve credit and applause: they are generous in wishing to communicate their privileges. And though at present the proffer of such generosity to our monarch might-we say might-meet with a refusal, who can tell but shortly this favour, this honor, may be thrust upon him?

It is obvious while we thus write that we omit the ecclesiastical establishment from our view, as a constituent part of our national profession. The church

appears to us rather as a certain means of supporting the religious profession of the empire, than as a constituent part thereof. The church, the national school of religion, must therefore cease to be, when religion is altogether voted out of our state, declared unnecessary. While any constituent portion of our constitution must be Christian, we say the Church must live.

The king, the head of our economy, is yet called on and bound to profess and protect Christianity; and thus far we may be recognized as bearing some respect to Deity, or to that spiritual accountability under which nations exist. And thus far alone, there is hope. True, a terrific inroad has been made upon our national religion by the repeal of the Test Act, and that sin has been confirmed and increased by the deed of Roman Catholic emancipation; yet there is some show of Christianity amongst us, some semblance of veneration for it left. And while this lasts there is hope, not only of prolonged existence, but of recovery, of regeneration.

In what position Britain would stand were religion wholly abolished from her policy, we have now to consider. That it has been almost abolished we have concluded: when this almost, becomes altogether, our moral condition will be desperate, and our national welfare at an end. The king is now the sole organ or instrument of our national confession of faith. The law which requires our first magistrate to be a Protestant Christian, evidently indicates a sense of public reverence to the Deity, subservience to and dependence on Him, together with esteem for a form of doctrine and homage derived from his written will. The necessary appendage to the national confession_ the church-while it preserves the formula of faith does more; it expresses two things-First, That the national avowal of faith, to be consistent, requires extension through every part of the state. Secondly, That the real strength of a people consists in their morality. In accordance with these two expressions the church acts.

First A national faith, to be consistent, requires extension. When, by the providence of God, the mists of ignorance and superstition cleared away from Britain, the majority of her people embraced Christianity. The truth long