ed. The present petitioners contended, that the recognition of South American independence would be no breach of neutrality, and he concurred with them, and was confident that no power in Europe could be so impudently unjust as to complain of it, much less to venture on any attack on the policy of England, formidable as she would be in such a cause. He threw out of his consideration with disdain all that the Holy, or Unholy Alliance, might presume to urge in such a cause. Having said so much in favour of the recognition of South American independence now, he thought it right to say, that he did not use that word in a metaphysical sense. Some pretended that there was no present tense. He, when he said now, meant, in a very short time. He thought countries extending from California nearly to Cape Horn might be considered to embrace a moderate and respectable territory. In this vast extent what stand did Old Spain make? She had a castle in Mexico, a little half-desert island in Chili, and a small army in Guatimala. Now, such being the state of things, considering them as separate states, what objection could there be to recognize Colombia, where there was once a great Spanish army which had completely failed, and been wholly annihilated or driven away? Three republican assemblies had held their sittings since the Spaniards were repelled. In Buenos Ayres, not a single Spanish soldier had been seen for ten years, and Mrs Graham's description of Chili pointed it out as a state, the independence of which must soon be recognized. In saying that we would not recognize a country till it had attained a stable government, we should proclaim, that we had two weights and measures for America and Europe. While we declined recognizing as independent the South American States, we recognized Spain as such, though she was not tranquil;

and when she was overrun by a foreign army, which it had been stated in that House it was humanity not to withdraw. He believed there were from sixty to one hundred houses of trade established in South America. Our commerce there had rapidly increased. From the petition received from Liverpool, it appeared that its amount, which was in 1822 L.3,800,000, rose in 1823 to L,5,600,000, being an increase of L.1,800,000 in value, and that, too, in the course of a single year. The exports of cotton to North America had largely increased, but the increase in the exports to South America was still greater. The increase of the former in one year had been L.1,000,000. This increase in the latter case amounted to L.1,000,000. He referred to Captain Hall's book in terms of warm praise. This, he thought, completely proved the importance of extending our commerce in that quarter, and of doing all in our power to civilize South America. Sir James concluded with pointing out the important extension which British commerce might receive from those vast regions continuing open to it.

Mr Canning rose, as expected, to give that exposition of the sentiments and views of ministry which it was the object of Sir James Mackintosh's speech to elicit. With the general tenor of that speech he had reason to be satisfied, but was unwilling at present to enter in detail upon the subject. He took a view of the successive steps adopted by the British government, the result of which was the being at perfect liberty to make the recognition, whenever they should find it advisable, without asking any consent on the part of Spain. Still he thought it a point of courtesy, and in various respects desirable, to take that country along with us. It was only the recog nition of the mother country which could confirm the independence of the

American States; and that recognition could not be forced. Thus he thought his learned friend furnished the clearest argument in favour of the course which his Majesty's ministers had taken, in withholding the minor recognition, in the hope that, when given, it might be accompanied by that of the parent state; recognition by England or any other power would not carry with it the force of a recognition by Spain. He was afraid the simple fact of recognition had been misunderstood both here and on the other side of the water. Though nothing was more simple than to ask for recognition, recognition was often claimed, from the expectation that consequences would follow which did not necessarily belong to it. Great Great as the boon of recognition might be to any new state, it would be a fatal concession if it were given in one sense, and taken in another-if the simple acknowledgment of independence were to be taken as the pledge and promise of future co-operation and alliance. At home, many persons connected with the commercial interest, expected that recognition by England would have the effect of confirming the existing governments of South America more than they could be confirmed by the recognition of any single power. He was, therefore, most anxious that no misconception should prevail in this respect. Without making it an absolute condition that the new states should possess a stable government, it must yet be admitted, that some precautions were necessary. His learned friend was aware that it was matter-offact information. As yet, the government were not in the possession of all the information which they desired. Even with respect to that which the learned gentleman had mentioned as having lately taken place in Colombia, he knew nothing but from the channels through which it had been comVOL. XVII. PART. I.

municated to his learned friend. Government adhered to all their former views upon this question; but they conceived, that the forcing it at present into discussion would not tend to advance, but to retard the desired result. Mr Canning closed, with stating that the British government had received and rejected a second application to become parties in a continentcongress upon the affairs of South America.

al

Mr Brougham expressed his particular satisfaction with the last piece of information. When it was said that government waited for authentic and official information, he supposed Parliament might understand the information derived from their own accredited agents. When intelligence should be received from them, announcing that any one of those great and free countries had established for itself a substantial existence independent of old Spain; then forthwith, upon that assurance, an acknowledgment of the independence of such state should issue from this government. That acknowledgment could not be viewed as any breach of neutrality, and could not have the effect of involving us with the mother country. But by no possibility could our conduct be canvassed by any other country. There was no shadow of ground upon which France, or Russia, or Austria, or Prussia (God help us!) should presume to ask why he had taken such a course. He alluded to the inconvenience at present sustained in regard to proceedings in courts of justice, and the want of security to the parties who had contracted loans with those unacknowledged governments.

Mr Canning here put in a notice, that without denying the rights, or blaming the conduct of those who thus lent their money, he might mention, that there would be no clause or condition required in the recognition by which those

C

governments would be bound to discharge the debts so incurred.

Sir Francis Burdett did not allow the debate to drop without a sally against ministry. He could not understand the refinements and shades of recognition which had been dwelt on with so much labour; to him recognition was a very simple word, bearing a very simple and obvious meaning. He therefore thought there must be some further motives for the delay than were brought forward. All that the right honourable gentleman said amounted to this, that ministers had not made up their minds as to what

measures they intended to take. But he had heard that the Lord Chancellor had declared that he would not recognise the independence of South America. This let in some light upon the delay. The animosities and heats which suspended the measure were not raging in Mexico-they existed nearer home. It was in the cabinet they were formed-as must always be the case in a cabinet so formed, divided as it was upon every great question, whether of foreign or domestic policy.

The debate hereupon closed, and no farther proceedings on the subject took place during the session.

MINISTERS had this year every prospect that their financial career would be smooth and favourable. This branch of public economy was in that prosperous state, which, requiring no demand on the public purse, but some what the contrary, left little opening for discontent. Mr Hume's research into the details of public expenditure having now been extended, over and over, through all its branches, there remained little which had not been met in some shape or other. His strictures, therefore, were likely now to be both fewer in number, and more easily answered. All this, however, did not secure ministers from some difficulties, and having some combats to wage. From the experience of several successive years, the nation had acquired the habit of looking for a successive, and even augmenting reduction, of the public burdens. Its expectations had now risen so high, as to embrace the entire remission of the assessed taxes, which, though not, perhaps, the most really burdensome, have always been the most heavily felt, in consequence of being directly paid out of the pockets of the consumer. The plain truth,

however, is, that if we except the income tax, against which the claim was certainly fair, the public had no right to look to the remission of any other tax, as the result of peace. With that exception, the war had been carried on by loans, not by taxes; and the provision for the interest of these loans, and for their gradual extinction, stood quite as much in need of being continued after peace as before. If taxes had been taken off, it had been by temporary and casual operations, not admitting of repetition. The only farther source which could now be looked to, was the increased revenue arising out of the newly begun and slowly advancing public prosperity; but which could not amount to much in any one year. The boon which ministers had to give was thus limited, and the mode in which they distributed it afforded ground for controversy. A considerable portion of it was destined, less to act upon the accommodations and enjoyments of the bulk of the people, than to liberate some particular branches of industry from the restraints under which they had laboured, and to smooth down the withdrawing from others

monopolies which had been conferred upon them contrary to sound policy, and to the general interests of society. This was not only a system less generally popular, but it was one which, from causes that will fall to be remarked in the chapter on commerce, excited even the dissatisfaction of numerous classes.

Although ministers, when pressed on this subject at the opening of Parliament, declined giving more than very general intimations, the Chancellor of the Exchequer was not long of presenting the House with an outline of his financial project for the year. This, he observed, it had been usual to defer till near the close of the session, prior to which time it had been impossible to estimate the fluctuating expenses which were likely to arise out of a state of war. At present, however, when the view was plain before them, he thought it desirable to lose as little time as possible, and to give Parliament full opportunity of considering the proposed measures. On the 23d February he made the following exposé :

According to papers already laid before Parliament, it appeared that the net produce of

revenue had been £63,415,529 10 0 The expenditure. 56,704,607 19 7

£6,710,921 10 5

From this balance, which might be roundly estimated at about 7,000,000l. there was to be deducted 5,000,000l., to be appropriated to the payment of the national debt; and, on the whole, there would be left a surplus of 1,652,000l. to be appropriated by government, with the sanction of the House. He would now proceed to a review of his estimate of last year, and the real produce of the present. He had estimated the customs at 104 millions. They had produced 114 millions. The excise had not come up to his

estimate; he had made the estimate 26 millions. The produce had been 25,342,000l. But this falling off had been in consequence of 130,000l. allowed upon the malt duty returned, 380,000l. upon hop duties not received; and of the alteration in the distillery laws of Ireland and Scotland. He was happy to say, however, that the consumpt of exciseable articles had partly increased, which showed the prosperity of the country, and the increased ability of the lower classes of persons to indulge in those commodities. He would now proceed to state the ways and means for the next year. He took the customs at 11,500,000l.; the excise at 25,625,000l.; the stamps, assessed taxes, land tax, &c. as they stood in the last year. The honourable gentleman then proceeded to advert to the Austrian loan, which, he said, he considered as a God-send, and therefore he was persuaded the House would not begrudge to apply it to some objects, which otherwise it would be difficult to effect; amongst them, he should, in the course of the session, propose 500,000l. for new churches; 300,000l. for the repair of Windsor Castle, 150,000l. during the present year, and 75,000l. for the two following years. He should also propose to vote a certain sum for the King's library, upon which subject much discussion arose last year. Every one seemed of opinion, that the building thus to be erected should be worthy of the state of the arts in this country. He had to state to the House, that an opportunity had occurred of purchasing, for the decoration of this building, the gallery of pictures belonging to the late Mr Angerstein, at the sum of 60,000l. He should therefore propose to take a vote for that sum also out of the Austrian loan. If the House should sanction this expenditure, the surplus would be 2,763,000l.; but before he stated the way in which