locotroni was completely defeated, and his son, Pano, killed. Every attempt to rally his broken affairs was vain. He himself came into the power of the hostile faction, his adherents were outlawed, and obliged to seek shelter round all the neighbouring coasts. Thus the year had a termination every way auspicious for Greece.

It may be mentioned, that, in the course of 1824, the Greeks made considerable progress towards intellectual culture, and to taking their place as a civilized European society. Missolunghi, the rendezvous of the Philhellenes from western Europe, formed the chief point from which light radiated. The general government showed an ardent desire for the promotion of letters; Odysseus, though a rude warrior, proclaimed his ardent wish to restore the long lost glories of Greece. Colleges were founded at Argos and Athens, even amid the din of arms; and anxious hopes were cherished, that, under more peaceful auspices, they might restore these famed seats of ancient learning to somewhat of their former lustre.

The Divan, amid all the exigencies with which she was pressed, held towards other European states the same proud and capricious demeanour which she had assumed at the commencement of the Grecian troubles. At the urgent instances, indeed, of England and Austria, she allowed to be extorted from her a stipulation to grant to the passage of Russian commerce through the Dardanelles that protection, of the want of which that power had long indignantly complained; and Alexander then took the conciliatory step of sending Minziacky to reside at Constantinople as his commercial agent. It soon proved, however, that this stipulation extended little beyond words, no care being taken to impress it upon the Turkish agents, who seemed to take delight to act in diametrical opposition to it. In the same manner promises, though of a na

ture somewhat more vague, were from time to time obtained, relative to the evacuation of Moldavia and Wallachia; but the time never arrived when some reason could not be urged for delaying their fulfilment. A supplication to the Sultan from the Boyars of Moldavia represented their country as in the agonies of death; it complained that all the rights which it had enjoyed from time immemorial were now trampled upon; that the exactions were such as to deprive the people of their daily bread; and that all the exemptions hitherto enjoyed by the privileged orders were entirely disregarded. It does not appear that any relief was obtained. Amid all these wrongs, Alexander maintained an attitude of murmuring forbearance, induced, partly by the representations of the European powers who wished to prevent a rupture, but chiefly by the new reverence with which he himself had been imbued, for everything in the form of old and established power. Meantime, the Porte considered herself entitled to complain somewhat loudly of the enthusiastic zeal displayed by British individuals in favour of her rebellious subjects, and of the money and supplies of various kinds which were transmitted to them. The following observations, in a note from the Grand Vizier to Lord Strangford, appear really to be somewhat plausible, though we should be very far from wishing to see them acted upon. "Supposing, it is said, (which God forbid,) that part of the subjects of Great Britain were in open rebellion against the King, and that the subjects of another sovereign in peace and amity with Great Britain (those of the Sublime Porte, for example) should send to them publicly aid of every kind, warlike supplies, provisions, money, and officers, would England admit as an excuse of such conduct, that the Porte had not the right or the power to control the bad actions of her subjects, because the laws

of the country gave to every Mussulman a right to make war against all who do not profess the same faith with himself? If these principles were once admitted, what would be the position of one friendly nation towards another? General peace, which England professes to have so much at heart, would depend no longer upon the stipulations of treaties, nor on public right. It would be at the mercy of the caprices and passions of the people. Does the ambassador believe us to be absolutely devoid of sense, when he pretends that his government has not the power to exercise a just control over the conduct of its subjects?-If

we are at peace with England, we have certainly a right to exact that the Court of London should not permit its subjects to make war against us. Why has not the English government held this language? Why has it never said a word to the British people which resembles friendship for us? The Sublime Porte demands, what she has a right to demand, and what England has no right to refuse, that the English should be prohibited from committing, henceforth, hostility against the Mussulmen, either in person, or by sending money and warlike supplies, as they do now, publicly and openly."

W HILE, in Europe, a great cause of liberty and national right was so hardly and gloriously defended, a similar contest, big with vaster interests and higher hopes, was waging in the wide regions beyond the Atlantic. It wore, at the opening of the year, an aspect still more dubious and perilous. The independent party, indeed, possessed in every quarter a present superiority; but various causes threatened to unsettle the foundations on which their newly-organized power was beginning to rest. In the old world, the states confederated for the support of the principles of power and monarchy, had gained a decisive and general triumph; and they had unreservedly proclaimed their determination to support these principles with their utmost means, in whatever part of the world they might be violated or endangered. This resolution, manifested in the triumph secured to the King of Spain over all the

internal opponents of his absolute sway, seemed applicable, in a peculiar sense, to the American colonies, which exhibited the doubly-dangerous example of open revolt, and republican constitution. In fact, there was a very general belief through Europe and America, that large means would be employed for the restoration of Spanish ascendancy. In politics, the opinion of strength is strength. All, in the American states, whose partialities and interests yet attached them to this cause, assumed new courage; and the numerous class of those who calculate chances, with the view of attaching themselves to those which appear most promising, began to cast a favourable eye upon this side of the question.

The disposition arising from these causes, besides the direct danger of restoring the old system, generated also another, which might have led to consequences still more dreadful. The zeal

ots of the independent cause, indignant and alarmed at these manœuvres, loudly demanded their repression, by means inconsistent with all order, and with the well-being of the state, which they would have plunged in total anarchy. The prompt trial and punishment of all suspected persons, and even the general expulsion of all native Spaniards from the limits of the state, were the measures called for. In Mexico, this spirit assumed a form peculiarly dangerous. A part of the army, under the command of a chief of the name of Lobato, threw aside all subordination, seceded, and sent in to the Congress a demand for the immediate adoption of the above imprudent measures. The Congress, however, acted with great firmness, and being supported by the nation, they put an end to the disturbance, and compelled the mutineers to submit, though without attempting to inflict any punishment.

In the course of the spring, the Congress drew up the plan of a constitution, formed almost strictly upon the model of that of the United States; a model which, after fifty years' experience, might no doubt be considered as safe; though some improvements might have been borrowed from that of Colombia. Both made an exception in the case of religious liberty, and introduced an article providing for the entire and sole establishment of the Catholic faith. This did not prevent them from making the most decided exertions to introduce the various branches of European knowledge, as well as to diffuse through the whole society the elementary principles of education.

The federal system, in its first establishment, finds a natural and powerful resistance in that local spirit which animates the great provincial capitals; the leading men of which feel them selves greater as the heads of a separate state, than as the subjects, or even members, of a Congress, held in a different

and distant city. This spirit now manifested itself strongly in Mexico. Guatimala, the territory which forms the link between the two Americas, and which, even under Old Spain, had been formed into a distinct intendancy, proclaimed its resolution to form a state by itself, under the title of Central America; a step which its remote and very defensible situation deterred the Mexican Congress from taking any measures to oppose. It did not view in the same passive manner the similar attempts made by the peninsula of Campeachy. But the most serious point of resistance was at Guadalaxara, a city situated little more than 200 miles from the capital, which it almost rivalled in magnitude, and surpassed, perhaps, in commercial importance. In this city there had manifested itself a very strong spirit of separation, supported and rendered formidable by another event, which came at this time to place in peril the very existence of the Mexican republic.

We have seen in a former volume the rise and fall of Iturbide. Driven from the throne which he endeavoured to establish on the ruins of national liberty, he was treated with signal lenity. He was allowed with his family to retire unmolested to Italy, and on condition of continuing to reside there, was to receive a pension such as enabled him to live almost in princely splendour. The name of emperor, however, though borne only for a fleeting moment, has charms which it is difficult to forget. The disunion which prevailed in the great country over which he once hoped to rule, inspired Iturbide with the hope that he might again obtain and preserve a footing there. Having repaired to England, he set sail from Portsmouth, emitting, at the same time, a proclamation, in which he openly avowed bis intention of landing in Mexico. His object was proclaimed to be, at once to appease the

intestine dissensions of that country, and to defend it against those hostile designs of the European potentates, which he represented as imminent and formidable. We shall not deny the possibility, that he might persuade himself into a sort of sincerity upon these particulars; but, in point of fact, it is very evident, that his arrival could have no effect but to introduce a new element of discord, the effect of which must be, to render them still more liable to fall the prey of a foreign enemy. His friends put forth also as a defence, that the stipulated pension had lately been withdrawn, on the pretence of his having left Italy, though his doing so was represented as a matter of necessity. We have not materials for entering into this question; but it is obvious, that this ground of defence is in direct contradiction to his own profession of being actuated solely by patriotic motives, and having no object but the peace and advantage of Mexico.

The central government, on receiving intelligence of this movement, saw immediately the necessity of acting with the greatest vigour. Unless the disturbances, which were carrying on, either in direct or implied concert with Iturbide, could be thoroughly suppressed before his appearance, a civil contest of the most formidable character could not fail to ensue. Already, in Guadalaxara, Quintanar, the governor, and Bustamente, the military commander, manifested an entire disregard to the wishes and orders of the general executive; cries of "Long live Iturbide!" were winked at, and even encouraged; Garcia and Rosemberg, two individuals who had adhered to the last to the party of the Ex-emperor, were promoted to important commands. Remonstrances having been in vain made against these proceedings, the central government determined no longer to keep any measures. Orders were given to General Bravo, who commanded their ar

my, and whom they had invested with a sort of dictatorial power, to march direct upon the seat of the refractory state. On the approach of Bravo, it became evident, that the resistance was the mere work of a few factious leaders, who in vain endeavoured to muster any force capable of opposing him. On the 11th June, he entered Guadalaxara without resistance, the malcontent chiefs retreating before him, and seeking refuge in the most northerly extremity of Mexico. Garcia and Rosemberg, however, still held out in Tepic, an important commercial place, which the interesting narrative of Captain Hall has rendered familiar to the British reader. Don Louis Correa being dispatched against them with a body of troops, they marched out to meet him; and a sharp conflict ensued, which soon, however, issued in the total discomfiture of the insurgents, the greater part of whom, including their leaders, were made prisoners. Pardon was extended to all except the chiefs, who suffered the punishment of rebels.

Meantime, Iturbide was on his voyage from England; while the government of Mexico had issued a decree, ordering, in the event of his setting foot on any point of its territory, that military execution should be immediately performed upon him. A deep interest prevailed in both continents, respecting the issue of an adventure, which was to decide the fate of so large a portion of America. On the 28th of June, Iturbide arrived in the bay of Mexico, and anchored first near the island of St Bernard, an almost uninhabited part of the coast. Colonel Benesqui, a Pole, attached to his fortunes, then landed with the view of endeavouring to obtain information; but after going about for three days, he met only Indians, from whom he could learn nothing. Iturbide then determined to make directly for Soto la Marina, one of the few points on the eastern coast of Mexico,