time, however, it became evident, that the King was prepared to adhere to the counsellors and the system of his predecessor. The royalists out of power, as they lost hope, gradually relapsed into opposition; and all parties, in a short time, resumed the attitude which they had previously occupied.

The King called a meeting of the Chambers before the end of December, but as it would be obviously inconvenient to make a section of its proceedings, we shall reserve the entire consideration of them till the following volume.

VOL. XVII, PART I.

M

ceedings.

SPAIN began the present year in the same enslaved, anarchical, and distracted state, to which she had been reduced by the triumph of the French arms, and the restoration of Ferdinand to absolute power-nor did there appear any prospect or means of her being able to emerge, or even avoid sinking deeper into it. Almost all the intelligent and industrious part of her population, those which would have roused her out of her slumbering apathy, and assimilated her condition to that of the more improved nations, were now become a persecuted and degraded caste, and were either begging their bread in a foreign land, pining in the depth of dungeons, or agitated by the perpetual dread of confiscation or death. Although there is much in the personal character of Ferdinand, which it is impossible to regard without detestation, we are yet obliged to confess, that the guilt of the tyrannical and oppressive system which he adopted, was shared by a large body of the Spanish nation. Of these, there was even a numerous class, to whom the principles of Ferdinand appeared too liberal, and his

sway too mild, and to whom nothing appeared satisfactory, short of an indiscriminate proscription of all who had any concern in the support of the constitutional cause. A natural propensity to violence, and the covetous desire of satiating themselves with the plunder of the liberals, many of whom were substantial citizens, greatly fanned the flame of their furious loyalty. Although the name of the Absolute King was used as a rallying cry, it was rather as a name under which every kind of violence might be committed with impunity, than that they were at all ready to yield obedience even to him, when his directions went to check them in their career. The only mitigation of disorder, was the partial one produced by the presence of French troops, who sometimes interfered to prevent outrages that were manifestly illegal, or open violations, under their eye, of the conventions which they had concluded with the Spanish generals. As their instructions, however, inculcated a strict adherence to the monarchical principle, and the abstract tenets of the Holy Alliance, and as they held themselves

ready to crush every shadow of resistance which might arise against the mandates of the prince, they continued still effective instruments in the hand of Ferdinand, for enforcing the system of government upon which he was determined to act.

The moneyed interest of Europe continued with their eyes intently fixed upon the Spanish cabinet, which was known to labour under the want of extensive funds, for which it was ready to make almost any sacrifice. The one, however, which was named as indispensable, being the recognition, in some shape or extent, of the constitutional loans, was obstinately refused. The great capitalists of Europe, now formed into a compact and extensive league, conceived it, under these circumstances, essential to their honour, and the general interests of their body, not to bring forward a single shilling. Yet would not this probably, amid the present redundance of money, have prevented it from being raised in some shape or another, had there been any tolerable security to offer. But a government, which could not raise the funds necessary for defraying its current expenses, to say nothing of a load of old debt, presented itself as an abyss ready to swallow up everything, but with faint hope of ever rendering any return. Guebhard, indeed, pre-eminent among loyal bankers, opened a loan at Paris on very advantageous terms, but was able to obtain only a few trifling sums, like drops of water, insufficient to cool the thirst with which the Spanish finance was afflicted. The French were the greatest sufferers; for, it being impossible to leave Ferdinand quite destitute on the throne where they had placed him, they had been obliged to advance nearly a million and a half sterling, to enable him to begin. They were also under the necessity of defraying the whole expense of the army of occupation, having in vain attempt

ed to extort from him the share which he was bound by treaty to furnish. It does not appear, however, though the report was current at the time, that the French cabinet ever swerved so far from the principles of legitimacy, as to advise the recognition of the constitutional loan. Ferdinand, who saw that they did not and could not take any steps to obtain redress or payment, gave himself very little concern about the matter. He agreed merely, on their earnest demands, to inscribe the debts in the Great Book, where they remained, without payment, in any shape, either of principal or interest. The financial measures adopted by government, had little tendency indeed to lighten its distresses. The exemption of ecclesiastical revenue from taxes, which had been abolished under the constitutional regime, was now fully restored. A tax of 4 per cent was imposed on all mills and machinery employed in manufacture. The ruinous plan of royal monopoly was not only revived in regard to tobacco and salt, but extended to salted cod, an article which the ultra-catholic habits of Spain rendered an extensive necessary of life. By these measures, grievous privations were imposed on the nation, without any relief or benefit arising to the trea

sury.

The Spanish government, amid all its present embarrassment and distraction, kept its eye intently fixed on the recovery of the vast dominions which once belonged to it in the opposite hemisphere. All the direct efforts, however, which it could make for this purpose, had been exhausted by the elaborate fitting out of the Asia; and the transportation of a single regiment to reinforce the American armies, appeared evidently an undertaking beyond its strength. The only hope then lay in that mighty combination of potentates, which stood so deeply committed in favour of every monarchy, in

every part of the world, which should experience revolt and resistance on the part of its subjects. She adjured them, in the name of all the principles of conservation and legitimacy, not to allow so fatal a precedent as that of the triumph of so great an insurrection, now assuming a form decidedly republican. In the circular addressed by the Count d'Ofalla, to the ambassadors of Paris, Petersburgh, and Vienna, the failure of the attempts hitherto made to reduce the insurrection, was imputed to the rebellion which had prevailed in Spain itself. It was asserted, however, that the King had received numerous and irrefragable testimonies, that there existed an immense number of Spaniards faithful to their oaths of obedience to the throne, and that the sound majority of the Americans acknowledged the impossibility of that hemisphere remaining happy, without the maintenance of a paternal connexion with those who had civilized it. The King trusted that his allies would aid him in accomplishing this important object, and in maintaining the principles of order and legitimacy, the subversion of which, once begun in America, would be speedily communicated to Europe. In order still farther to smooth down the difficulties in the way of this object, it was intimated, that the King, in concert with his powerful allies, "would take into consideration the changes which events have produced in his American provinces, as well as the relations which have been formed with other commercial nations during the troubles, in the view of adopting with good faith the measures best fitted to conciliate the rights and just interests of the crown of Spain, and of its sovereignty, with those which circumstances may have created in favour of other nations." The engagement here implied had already been included in a decree issued on the 9th February, permitting a direct commerce of the ultra-marine

provinces with allied and friendly pow

ers.

This decree, however, was in a great extent hollow and imperfect, since it referred to a future decree, which was to fix the ports where, and the conditions on which, this trade was to be carried on, and, in the meantime, directed that everything should proceed in its ordinary tenor. This decree, therefore, was, in fact, a mere vague and distant promise which, considering the quarter from which it came, could not be the object of very implicit reliance.

What reply was made to this note by the powers concerned, remains hid in the secrets of cabinets. That some of them were thoroughly disposed to concur in the application, admits of little doubt; but the declarations of Britain, which made it be understood, that a war with her would be the consequence of armed intervention, paralysed even the boldest. France early declared her determination to engage in nothing beyond friendly mediation, having in view to obtain, at least, that, in the settlement of the new government, some respect should be paid to the principles of monarchy. In point of fact, no congress was held, and no measure, tending to fulfil the views of Spain, emanated from any of the great potentates, who were so deeply committed in the cause of legitimacy.

Although France continued to afford to the government of Ferdinand that support, without which it must have immediately given way, she scarcely made a secret of the entire disapprobation with which she viewed the mode in which it was administered; it involved, indeed, a breach of the most solemn engagements, under which she had chosen to come, in his name, to Spain and to Europe. She is, therefore, believed to have made pretty strong private remonstrances, which appear to have pointed at some kind of national representation, doubtless not on the

broadest basis, and to have strenuously urged, at least, an amnesty, with few and definite exceptions. Ferdinand, how ever, trusting that neither their political principles nor interest would allow them to take any strong step in support of these representations, entirely disregarded them, and even openly broke the military capitulations which had been concluded by the Duke d'Angouleme. Although the French continued to support, with their whole force, the tyrannical system against which they remonstrated, yet these remonstrances were sufficient to excite the embittered animosity of the apostolical Junta, and their adherents. The mob, and the royalist volunteers, whose minds were strongly under this influence, were farther inflamed by the old national hatred, and by the mortifying situation in which Spain was placed by foreign occupation. These animosities gave rise, on several occasions, to quarrels and bloodshed; in Madrid, particularly, a scuffle having arisen between some soldiers of the two nations, the volunteers and the mob flew to arms, calling out "Death to the French!" and a sharp conflict ensued, in which the latter ultimately prevailed, but with the loss of a considerable number in killed and wounded. The French commanderin-chief hereupon insisted upon Madrid being intrusted entirely to the guard of the French; a measure which, however necessary, could not fail to aggravate the indignant and humiliated feelings of the Spanish soldiery. Move ments in fact took place among the high partizans of the Faith, having for their object to obtain an uncontrolled sway in national affairs, to re-establish the Inquisition, and likewise to commence a thorough proscription against the liberals, or all suspected of being such. A veil has been studiously thrown over the nature and extent of these movements, but the report was very current, that the sway of Ferdinand being con

sidered as too mild and liberal, his brother, Don Carlos, was intended to be raised to the throne. The troubles, however, were soon suppressed, and their leaders, Capape, Merino, and the Trappist, were arrested, and brought to Madrid. Transactions of this nature somewhat disgusted Ferdinand with the royalist volunteers, a great part of whom were disbanded, and the encouragements offered for the formation of additional numbers withdrawn.

France, while she was thus supporting Ferdinand in his tyrannical train of conduct, had it always in her power to have brought him to reason by a serious threat of withdrawing her troops. Ferdinand knew too well the danger of trusting himself solely to the affections of his people, and had no courage which could lead him to brave these dangers. They appear, in fact, about the present time, to have made one faint effort to induce him to change his system. According to the original treaty of occupation, the French troops were not to remain in Spain beyond the 1st of July of the present year. Urgent as was the necessity for a prolongation beyond this period, the French government demurred to it without some concession. Ferdinand appears to have agreed to grant a kind of amnesty; and a treaty was signed, prolonging the occupation till the 1st January, 1825.In this treaty the French were so idle as to complain that the whole burden of supporting the troops had been thrown upon them, and to stipulate for a more regular payment henceforth of the sum which was necessary to maintain them on the war footing. Ferdinand, having obtained his point, completely outwitted the French as to his own part of the conditions. He published, indeed, something which he chose to call an amnesty, but, by means of an extensive system of exceptions, it was made to bear a directly opposite character. These exceptions included the authors of in