England shine with her own splendour, enlightening others with her rays, but let her not adopt the principle of crusade, lest the mode in which her power and influence were made manifest, should convert her very blessings into curses.

Lord Liverpool urged that every thing which he predicted last year had been fulfilled in regard to Spain. He never thought that France ought to have invaded Spain; not from any consideration of the abstract principle involved in the question, and which of course admitted of exceptions; but, in his opinion, France could make out no case to justify the invasion of Spain. The British government had done everything in its power to prevent interference, but not having succeeded, it did not choose to interfere itself between a divided people. What, then, was the result? How was the French army received? or how would those who wished Great Britain to interfere have looked if we had done so, and saw the Spanish people flock to the French standard? If the constitution of Spain had been less faulty than it was, nay, if it had been the greatest monument of human wisdom that ever existed, it would have been folly to have supported it against the majority of the people for whom it was intended. The Spaniards, so proverbially jealous of their independence, actually hailed the French army as their deliverers; and what did this arise from? from the cause he stated in that House last April, that although they hated foreign interference much, they hated the constitution more. And would their lordships have the country to interfere in support of a small party against the majority? He agreed with the noble lord (Somers) in his reprobation of ultraism; but where was the ultraism in Spain?-it was the enthusiasm of the Spanish nation. The illustrious prince who headed the army

which invaded Spain-and here he was bound to say, however much he deprecated the interference of France with the Peninsula, that the conduct of that illustrious individual throughout the campaign deserved the highest praise, and shewed what might be expected from him when he ascended the throne hereafter, of which he was the legitimate heir-this prince, he would repeat, found all his exertions necessary to repress the ultraism of the people. The efforts of France, then and now, were directed to check that ultraism.

From the subject of the continent, and of continental Spain, the speakers diverged to another, which was now assuming a more prominent importance; that of the vast regions once belonging to that power in the western world. Mr Brougham began, indeed, by attempting to shew, that it was inconsistent in Britain to support the colonies, when she had not supported Spain itself, and that the two cases were precisely similar. But notwithstanding this inconsistency, he trusted that South America would never return under the dominion of the mother country, whatever might be the form of government there, whether constitutional, or, as it now was, completely despotic; he trusted these colonies would retain the freedom they had purchased with their blood; and that if the necessity should arise, this country would do her duty. Happily, this important question was now nearly disposed of. He spoke it with pride and exultation, that an event had lately occurred which must be a source of pride to every nation that cherished any idea of freedom, and fill with gratitude every bosom that regarded the rights and liberties of mankind. He alluded to a declaration in the speech of the President of the United States. It was open, manly, and intelligible,

such as became a free nation; and he trusted we would not be deterred by any mean-spirited calculations of prudence, by any apprehension of giving offence to the Holy Allies, from following the noble example, and joining our efforts to those of the free people of America, to set bounds to the encroachments of a despotic alliance, which, if once it could bring the old world under subjugation, would no doubt endeavour to extend its tyranny to the new. He suspected, unless the people of America received the early and decisive support of this country, that by bribery, intrigue, and the influence of the priests, they must be reduced sooner or later.

The Marquis of Lansdowne took a more decided ground upon this point. If all chance of advancement in the old world was cramped and chained down by two or three great powers, who presided over the destinies of Europe, with how much satisfaction did he perceive the seeds of improvement and free government transplanted across the Atlantic, and relieved from the withering influence of those maxims which now blighted every promise that Europe might have afforded. The great interests of this country in particular, and of the world generally, were involved in the freedom of South America. Wherever free trade and free government existed, our interests and feelings naturally led us, and it was therefore with pleasure he found a disposition in ministers to cultivate amicable relations on the other side of the Atlantic. He thought they might have been more explicit on this subject in the speech from the throne, and he still trusted that in declarations - to foreign powers there had been no ambiguity as to the course we intend ed to pursue. After highly eulogizing the conduct and language of the American president, and pointing out the vast opening which these new regions

would afford to our trade, the marquis concluded, that if the speech had been more explicit on these points, it would have met the cordial approval of that House, and of every person in the country, who duly regarded our ho nour and well-being.

On this topic, Mr Canning entered into a very full explanation. He repelled the charge of inconsistency, by observing that the conduct of Britain was founded on the principle of not interfering in internal contests, such as he conceived this between Spain and its colonies to be. The separation of colonies from a parent state could never give other countries a right to interfere by force of arms. A premature recognition would have the effect of encouraging resist→ ance to the mother country. It was difficult to draw the line, and to determine when the newly independent states had reached that stage, when it would be unjust to withhold the solicited recognition. Undoubtedly, if we were to deal by Spain as others had dealt by us, we need not hesitate to recognise the independent states of South America. We might look back to the loss of our own America, and we should then see that others had not been so slow to recognise the independence of the North American states. But, instead of doing precisely as we had been done by, to do as we would be done by was the true maxim, and thus England had acted. ceived that the mother country had a right to compel the colonies to submission. He was not blind to the physical impossibility of this now being done by Spain; but the right was hers, and we should act unwisely, unjustly, and ungenerously, were we not to admit this right, and to allow a proper interval to elapse, in which she might make the attempt, before we decided on that step, which some were of opinion ought to be taken forthwith.

He con

It would have been ungenerous, while Spain was engaged in a struggle with France, to have sanctioned any inroad on her colonial possessions; and it would now be ungenerous to do so before Spain could be regarded as fairly in possession of her own means, which was not the case at present, as, coming out of a war, she was seen in a state of comparative weakness and exhaustion. Ten months ago, ministers had declared their conviction of the actual separation, but observed, that the question of recognition must depend upon circumstances. He rejoiced that it had not been given during the period when Spain was distracted by a foreign contest; and his Majesty was still able to declare himself completely unfettered, unbound by any pledge or compact, and at full liberty to take that course which might be dictated by the interests of the country. On this subject our answer had been given to the court of Spain. It was now on its way to Madrid, and a time would probably arrive when ministers might be more explicit.

Lord Liverpool expressed the same sentiments, not quite at such full length.

Ireland was a subject touched upon at considerable length by the seconders of the motion, who were both Irish, and both expressed liberal sentiments as to that country and its present unfortunate condition. Lord Lorton conceived that the causes of the situation of Ireland were beyond the control of any ministers. They were perhaps to be found in the moral state of the people. From their natural capacities they had always been deemed capable of being made a strength and ornament to any country: but that fine population possessed none of the advantages enjoyed by the natives of this side of the Channel, and great allowances ought to be made for his unfortunate countrymen. One of their greatest

wants was that of the circulation of the Scriptures. It was prohibited by their religious ministers through the greatest part of Ireland, and the consequence was, that the people were left in a state of the grossest superstition, and imbibed a spirit hostile to their rulers. The noble marquis at the head of the Irish government had more obstacles to surmount than could have been expected. He had not flinched from them. He had applied his great talents to overcome them, and he sincerely hoped that he would succeed. Their lordships were not aware of the exact state of that country. It was there that an imperium in imperio was really to be found; and that imperium must be subdued and brought under before Ireland could be made what it was capable of becoming. He conceived that much might be done by the proprietors if they resided in Ireland, and encouraged a spirit of industry among the peasantry. Some were already adopting this system, and others, he hoped, would follow their example. He hoped much from the Ladies' Society for improving the condition of the females of Ireland.

Mr Daly, in the Commons, avowed sentiments particularly liberal on the subject of political privileges to be granted to the Catholics. The present improved situation of that country he thought he might fairly attribute to the administration; but, as he had before observed, much remained to be done. He could not forbear touching on one topic, which he considered as one of considerable importance. He meant the question of extending the benefits of the constitution to all classes in the kingdom; and especially to those who only knew of the existence of those benefits by the bars which excluded them from their enjoyment. He thought every other measure for improving the situation of the Irish people would fail, or at least

would be diminished in effect, unless that to which he had alluded were added; for every such measure must be offered to a divided people.

Mr Brougham, whose attention was engrossed by remoter subjects, hastily observed that some of the topics of the honourable seconder had given him unfeigned pleasure and delight; he meant the latter part of that honourable gentleman's speech, from which it appeared that at length government had determined to rule Ireland on some intelligible and consistent principle, not raising up and abetting one party to thwart the other in its endeavours to possess itself of those constitutional rights, which the honourable seconder had so truly and so eloquently said they knew not even the existence of, except by the bars which shut them out from their enjoyment.

The Marquis of Lansdowne referred to future occasions for the full discussion of questions connected with Ireland. At present he should content himself with observing, that a great deal had certainly been done to palliate the evils which prevailed there; but the root of the evil lay much deeper than the remedies yet applied were calculated to reach.

On this subject Mr Canning took occasion to declare his adherence to his former opinion on the subject of the Catholic question, and defend himself against the charge of inconsistency, because he acted with an administration, some of whose members were hos

tile to it. He conceived that, among the present public men, a cabinet could not be formed, united upon that subject, and at the same time capable of acting_together upon other great points. For this reason, even when the formation of a cabinet had been referred by the Prince Regent to Lord Wellesley and himself, he had made no attempt to form one upon this principle, but had immediately proposed that Lord Liverpool should be invited to become a member. He hoped that in time the prejudices which now existed would be reasoned down, and that a prospect of success would be afforded to the question, which, he was sorry to say, he could not see at present. In whatever shape, and by whomsoever brought forward, from him, whether in or out of office, that question would always receive the best support which he could give it, and which he had always given it from the year 1812.

Mr Peel here took occasion to declare, that his sentiments on this great point continued unaltered; while Mr Hume regretted the policy of ministers, as tending to perpetuate the divisions in Ireland.

There remained only the West India question, upon which, generally speaking, that reserve was maintained which had been so strongly recommended in his Majesty's speech; and nothing took place beyond some slight allusions.

ALTHOUGH foreign affairs had ceased to excite the same intense interest as at the commencement of the former session, and all the hopes formed relative to foreign Europe had ended in disaster and disappointment, yet this subject still presented features of such importance as to give precedence to it over any other. The catastrophe of Spain was final, yet it could afford ground only for conversation and vague invectives, since any hope of dividing the House seriously upon the conduct of ministers with regard to that ill-fated contest, was out of the question. But the fate of the New World, and the policy of Britain with regard to it, being still in suspense, peculiar interest was felt in this question, both as respected the general cause of liberty, and the most important commercial interests of this country.

In relation to the Spanish campaign, the leading members of Opposition, after having given vent to their indignation at the conduct of France, with their disapprobation of the result, both in itself, and as affecting British interests, shewed an extreme reserve in coming into the field with any specific proposition. This task devolved upon Lord Nugent, whose qualifica

tion consisted almost solely in that generous zeal for the cause, which had led him, without regard to considerable impediments, to quit the British shore, and take the field in the cause of Spanish liberty. On the 18th Fe bruary, under the usual form of moving for papers, he took the opportunity of bringing the subject fully under the consideration of Parliament.

Lord Nugent began by making the most broad charges against ministers upon the subject of Spain. The policy which government professed to adopt towards Spain, was, from the outset, very little suited to the high and energetic tone which this country ought to assume to herself; and, on the other, he could not help thinking. that our conduct, in not adhering to that intended policy, had been most insincere and unworthy. He could not persuade himself but that the course taken by ministers had been most hostile to the cause of Spainthat cause, with reference to which they had expressed themselves determined to remain neutral on several occasions. This country had been exposed, in consequence, to the reproaches of every friend of liberty, and to the scorn and contempt of those powers