we have felt, Sire, that the magnitude of the evil, and the experience of the efficacy of this law to mitigate in some degree the extent of the evil, call for and justify its temporary enactment. "Sire, It would ill become me to enter into detail on the various other subjects which have engrossed our attention, but I may be permitted to express a perfect conviction that your Majesty's faithful Commons, by their anxious deliberations to effect whatever might conduce to the permanent interest of the nation, have entitled themselves to the gracious approbation of your Majesty, to the full and entire confidence of the people."

His Majesty then closed the session with the following gracious speeches :

"My Lords and Gentlemen,

"I cannot close this session of Parliament without returning to you my warmest acknowledgments for the diligence and assiduity with which you have applied yourselves to the several objects of public interest that have been submitted to your considera

tion.

your

"I deeply regret the painful necessity under which you have found selves, of renewing, for a farther period, measures of extraordinary precaution in Ireland.

"I entirely approve of the inquiries which you have thought proper to institute, as to the nature and extent of the evils unhappily existing in the disturbed districts of that country; and I have no doubt that you will see the expediency of pursuing your inquiries in another session.

"I continue to receive from all foreign powers the strongest assurances of their friendly disposition towards this country, and you may rely on my endeavours being invariably directed to the maintenance of general peace,

and to the protection of the interests and the extension of the commerce of my subjects.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons,

"I thank you for the supplies which you have provided for the service of the present year, and especially for the grants which you have so liberally made in furtherance of the interests of religion, and in support of the splendour of the crown.

"I am fully sensible of the advantages which may be expected to arise from the relief you have afforded to some of the most important branches of the national industry.

"My Lords and Gentlemen,

"I have the greatest satisfaction in repeating to you my congratulations upon the general and increasing prosperity of the country.

"I am persuaded that you will carry with you into your respective counties the same spirit of harmony which has distinguished your deliberations during the present session; and that you will cultivate among all classes of my subjects those feelings of content and of attachment to the constitution, upon the continuance and diffusion of which, under Providence, mainly depends, not only individual happiness, but the high station which this kingdom holds among the nations of the world."

Then the Lord Chancellor, by his Majesty's command, said,—

sures.

FRANCE opened the present year in a peaceful, and what she might consider as a triumphant, attitude. Spain lay beneath her, prostrate and undone; and it was only in virtue of a forbearance, founded upon high monarchial principles, that she did not entirely dictate laws to that unfortunate country. The French government boasted, that through the easy triumph which they had achieved by means of treachery and disunion among the Spanish people, they had restored the glory of France, and crowned her arms with a lustre equal to that which had encircled the imperial standard. In fact, in the eyes of a vain people, this show of a conquest obliterated the base and tyrannical grounds on which it had been undertaken, and rendered the present government decisively popular. Ministers, meantime, made no secret, that they considered the campaign in Spain as only preliminary to a more important internal campaign, which, if waged with success, was to strengthen all the bases of the monarchy; in other words, was to replace

France nearly in the same situation as before the Revolution, and render the Chambers little more than a tool in the hands of the executive. The first step towards this result, was to dissolve the present Chamber of Deputies, preparatory to the election of another, which, in the present state of popular feeling and ministerial influence, would, it was confidently expected, prove entirely devoted to the crown. The first use to be made of its subserviency was to induce it to grant a copious indemnity to the emigrants, which might restore to the ancient nobility of France a large portion of its lustre. The chamber was then to extend its own duration to seven years; to be renewed at the end of that time by general election, instead of the present system of the members sitting for five years, and a fifth of their number being annually re-elected. These measures, and especially the last, would not, in our apprehension, have been in themselves very disastrous to the cause of liberty. But it was scarcely consealed, that during the long currency

of a Chamber, thus devoted to the views of the monarchy, care would be taken that the constitution, and the mode of election, should be moulded into such a shape, as to obviate all danger of a Chamber of a more refractory character being ever elected.

The contest in which the French ministry had thus embarked, though it less attracted the attention of mankind, was perhaps of deeper importance to France, and even to Europe, than the military campaign with which they had opened the preceding year. It was not only the liberties of the thirty millions of people contained in France itself that were to be decided by it. This kingdom occupies so central a position, and is so predominant as to power and influence among the states of Western Europe, that the latter must ultimately follow its lead; and the yoke of military despotism, under which the finest of them were now held, could never be securely fixed, while there remained any chance that principles at all liberal should ever gain the ascendancy in the French administration.

The first operation of the present year consisted in the elections; and these were opened by ministry with every confidence of success. According to the theory of French election, the crown ought to have less influence than in Britain. There are no treasury boroughs, nor close boroughs of any description; none which can be purchased by money, or negotiated through the medium of a single individual. The French electoral colleges comprise a considerable number of individuals, and those possessed of some property. Yet the French ministry possesses, or at least exerts, means of influence still more extensive than that of England. In consequence of the high property qualification required in electors, and of the general mediocrity of fortune produced by the French law of inheritance, the number of electors does not reach

100,000; while, in the departmental colleges, where a much higher qualification is required, nearly half the chamber is elected by about 3000. The French constitution also wants that safeguard which the English has provided, of rendering those holding office under government incapable of voting at elections. In consequence also of the general smallness of fortunes in France, the proportion of persons deriving from this source the required amount of property, is peculiarly great. Perhaps they, with their immediate families and dependants, may form a tenth of the whole number of voters. With regard to them, as well as to all the other classes, the influence of the crown is exercised to an open and unblushing extent, quite foreign to British ideas. The preliminary step is to issue to all under the influence of the crown, not a request, but a mandate, to vote for the candidate whom the government intends to support. Should this fail of being obeyed, deprivation of office is immediately inflicted on even the highest functionaries; and dismissal from the service in military officers, the most distinguished for rank and services. The charges of this nature made in the Chambers being answered only by recrimination, clearly involve the admission of their truth. It may be added, that licences are required for many more trades than in Britain are viewed much more in a political light—and the threat of refusing or recalling them, employed without scruple, as an electioneering engine. Finally, in all cases of disputed vote or election, the judgment, in the first instance, is given by the Prefect of the district, an officer appointed, and removable, by the crown; and though there be an appeal from his sentence, it is tedious and uncertain; so that in all cases which run very near, he has little difficulty in casting the balance. All these motives and means of influence, however, would not probably

have been sufficient to stem the tide of any decidedly hostile feeling on the part of the nation. But at this time, that feeling, as already observed, was altogether favourable to the Bourbons. The faint revival of that military glory which Napoleon had thrown around the empire, and which had suffered so dark an eclipse, had intoxicated a vain people, and given for the moment a most decided popularity to the present administration. This state of public opinion obviously appeared, when, at the meeting of the Chambers, even the most determined of the liberal party durst no longer impeach the principle of the Spanish war, and were reduced merely to criticize the details of its management and expenditure.

Under these circumstances, the result of the elections was a complete triumph of ministry. The discomfiture of the liberal party was utter; for out of the whole number of four hundred and thirty members, they were unable to muster more than sixteen. Several even of their chiefs could not obtain a place; among whom were Manuel and La Fayette, supposed to carry the principles of their sect to the greatest extreme. So far, therefore, as related to votes or direct influence, the liberal interest might be considered as annihilated in the Chambers. All they could now do was to act upon public opinion by the speeches of their orators; the principal of whom, Foy, Girardin, &c. still maintained their seats. An exclusion so total was no doubt perilous to the balance of the constitution; at the same time, it was not altogether unmerited on their part. We allude not particularly here to the bold and republican doctrines which they sometimes broached. A turbulent and dangerous spirit appears more particularly to have been marked by the course of successive and systematic refusal to vote, by which they renounced their regular and legitimate influence in the Chamber, in

order to appeal to the nation, and invite on its part a forcible and tumultuous interference.

There was another party, however, who almost equally opposed ministry, but in an entirely different direction. These were the ultras, who boasted that they alone entertained any due reverence for the rights of the crown and the cause of monarchy, which ministers were represented as either deserting altogether, or supporting only in a timid and temporizing manner. Ministers professed a deep respect for this party, and denied any radical difference of opinion. Although, therefore, it was well known that the exclusion of its members was desired, neither threats nor open influence were employed to bring about that issue. The consequence was, that though matters went comparatively hard against them, and Delalot, one of their most leading members, was excluded, they were yet returned in considerable force, and formed nearly the only check upon ministerial despotism. No opposition, however, was apprehended on their part to the grand measures of the session-indemnity to the emigrants, and the extension of the sittings of the Chambers.

The minister, having thus secured a lower Chamber entirely subservient to his views, had probably little apprehension from the Upper Chamber, composed of individuals nominated by the King, and among whom the purest principles of monarchy were understood to prevail. He turned his attention then to another branch-the state of the periodical press. Restraints upon the press, however desirable to those in the possession of power, are always and almost equally odious to every other party. The present ministry, amid their high profession of royalty, had come in on the express basis of allowing a certain latitude of political discussion. It was by uniting with the liberals against De Cazes's plan of rendering the cen

sorship permanent, that they overthrew that measure, and with it his administration. As soon, however, as they found themselves seated in the place of their predecessors, the same spirit took possession of them. Their zeal for free discussion suddenly cooled, and they applied themselves to put together a measure which, without absolutely forfeiting the solemn pledge under which they had entered office, might render the fulfilment of it as little annoying as possible. They framed a law, relieving the journals, indeed, from that previous censorship, which was absolutely incompatible with any independent political existence. It limited the permission, however, to the journals actually existing, and prohibited the commencement of any new one, without the express authority of government; consequently, there could never be a new journal established, unless on the ministerial side. Thus, provided ministers could get rid of the opposition journals already existing, they would be entire masters of the periodical press. A means of effecting this object also was opened by the clause, in virtue of which three successful prosecutions were to involve the suppression of the journal against which verdicts had been obtained. As these verdicts were given, not by popular juries, but by judges appointed, though not removable, by the crown, and deeply imbued with royalist ideas, there could be little fear, that in process of time, provided the crown were active in prosecuting, it would obtain such a number of decisions as would lead to the desired issue.

Although ministers had thus in their hands the means of subverting entirely the liberty of the periodical press, it was some time before they brought these means into action. The odium attendant on suppressing one of the favourite enjoyments of a people intent on political discussion, and the implied confession that their measures could not stand

such discussion, probably made any violent measure be felt as more disadvantageous to their interests, than even the attacks to which its omission left them exposed. As, however, the determination was formed to rule on principles more and more despotic, and to admit of nothing which could thwart the movement of the executive, Monsieur Villele formed a plan, by quiet and under-hand means, to extinguish, or bring over, all the journals hostile to his interest. As most of the newspapers were conducted upon commercial motives, the minister of finance seemed to possess the means of administering to them a quietus, quite as effectual as the decision of a court of justice. The influence of the members of the Royal Family might be employed upon such as professed peculiar zeal in royalist principle; while the hand of power might be kept in reserve to crush the few or solitary examples of resistance to these potent arguments. Under these views, a series of negotiations and proceedings was opened, the success of which appeared to be almost infallible.

In consequence of the time consumed in the elections, the session of the Chambers was not opened till the 23d of March. The King, in his opening speech, did not blush to make the most unqualified boasts as to the success of the war in Spain. "The most generous, as well as the most just of enterprizes has been crowned with the most complete success. France, tranquil at home, has nothing more to fear from the state of the peninsula. Spain, restored to her king, is reconciled with the rest of Europe. This triumph, which presents such sure guarantees to social order, is due to the discipline and bravery of a French army, commanded by my son, with as much valour as wisdom." If we may trust the ministerial papers, these words were followed by a unanimous display of enthusiasm, and