He was going on, when the late Lord Strange got up, and called both the gentlemen, Mr. Pitt, and Mr. Grenville, to order. He faid, they had both departed from the matter before the house, which was the King's fpeech; and that Mr. Pitt was going to fpeak twice upon the fame debate, although the house was not in a committee.'

Mr. Onflow (now Lord Onflow) aufwered, That they were both in order, as nothing had been faid, but what was fairly deducible from the King's fpeech; and appealed to the Speaker. The Speaker decided in Mr. Onflow's favour

Mr. Pitt faid, 'I do not apprehend I am fpeaking twice: I did exprefsly referve a part of my fubject, in order to fave the time of this houfe, but I am compelled to proceed in it. I do not speak twice; I only finished what I defignedly left imperfect. But if the house is of a different opinion, far be it from me to indulge a wifh of tranfgreffion, against order. I am content, if it be your pleasure, to be filent.-Here he paufed. The house refounded with, Go on, go on; he proceeded:

Gentlemen, Sir, (to the Speaker) I have been charged with giving birth to fedition in America. They have fpoken their fentiments with freedom, againft this unhappy act, and that freedom has become their crime. Sorry I am to hear the liberty of fpeech in this houfe, imputed as a crime. But the imputation fhall not difcourage me. It is a liberty I mean to exercise. No gentleman ought to be afraid to exercise it. It is a liberty by which the gentleman who calumniates it might have profited. He ought to have profited. He ought to have defifled from his project. The gentleman tells us, America is obftinate; America is almoft in open rebellion. I rejoice that America has refifted. Three millions of people, fo dead to all the feelings of liberty, as voluntarily to fubmit to be flaves, would have been fit inftruments to make flaves of the reft. I come not here armed at all points, with law cafes and acts of parliament, with the statute book doubled down in dogs-ears, to defend the caufe of liberty: if I had, I myself would have cited the two cafes of Chester and Durham. I would have cited them, to have fhewn, that, even under any arbitrary reigns, parliaments were afhamed of taxing a people without their confent, and allowed them reprefentatives. Why did the gentleman confine himself to Chester and Durham? He might have taken a higher example in Wales; Wales, that never was taxed by parliament till it was incorporated. I would not debate a particular point of law with the gentleman: I know his abilities. I have been obliged to his diligent refearches. But, for the defence of liberty upon a general principle, upon a conflitutional principle, it is a ground on which I ftand firm; on which I dare meet any man. The gentleman tells us of many who are taxed, and are not reprefented. The India company, merchants, ftock-holders, manufacturers. Surely many of thefe are reprefented in other capacities, as owners of land, or as freemen of boroughs. It is a misfortune that, more are not actually reprefented. But the are all inhabitants, and, as fuch, are virtually reprefented. Many have it in their option to be actually reprefented. They have connections with thofe that elect, and they have influence over them. The gentleman mentioned the flock-hohlers: I hope he does not reckon the debts of the nation as a part of the national eftate. Since the acceffion of King William, many

ministers,

minifters, fome of great, others of more moderate abilities, have taken the lead of government.

He then went through the lift of them, bringing it down till he came to himfelf, giving a fhort sketch of the characters of each of them. None of thefe, he faid, thought, or ever dreamed, of robbing the colonies of their conftitutional rights. That was referved to mark the era of the late administration: not that there were wanting fome, when I had the honour to ferve his Majefty, to propose to me to burn my fingers with an American ftamp-act. With the enemy at their back, with our bayonets at their breafts, in the day of their diftrefs, perhaps the Americans would have fubmitted to the impofition; but it would have been taking aa ungenerous, and unjuft advantage. The gentleman boafts of his bounties to America! Are not those bounties intended finally for the benefit of this kingdom? If they are not, he has mifapplied the national treafures. I am no courtier of America, I ftand up for this kingdom. I maintain, that the parliament has a right to bind, to reftrain America. Our legiflative power over the colonies is fovereign and fupreme. When it ceafes to be fovereign and fupreme, I would advife every gentlemen to fell his lands, if he can, and embark for that country. When two countries are connected together, like England and her colonies, without being incorporated, the one must neceffarily govern; the greater muft rule the lefs; but fo rule it, as not to contradict the fundamental principles that are common to both.

If the gentleman does not understand the difference between internal and external taxes, I cannot help it; but there is a plain diftinction be tween taxes levied for the purposes of raising a revenue, and duties impofed for the regulation of trade, for the accommodation of the fubje&t; altho', in the confequences, fome revenue might incidentally arife from the latter.

The gentleman afks, when were the colonies emancipated? But I defire to know, when they were made flaves? But I dwell not upon words. When I had the honour of ferving his Majefty, I availed myfelf of the means of information, which I derived from my office: I speak therefore from knowledge. My materials were good. I was at pains to collect, to digeft, to confider them; and I will be bold to affirm, that the profits to Great Britain from the trade of the colonies, through all its branches, is two millions a year. This is the fund that carried you triumphantly through the laft war. The eftates that were rented at two thousand pounds a year, threefcore years ago, are at three thousand pounds at prefent. Thofe eftates fold then from fifteen to eighteen years purchafe; the fame may be now fold for thirty. You owe this to America. This is the price that America pays you for her protection. And fhall a miferable financier come with a boaft, that he can fetch a pepper-cora into the Exchequer, to the lofs of millions to the nation! I dare not fay, how much higher thefe profits may be augmented. Omitting the immenfe increase of people, by natural population, in the northern colonies, and the migration from every part of Europe. I am conwinced the whole commercial fyftem of America may be altered to advantage. You have prohibited, where you ought to have encouraged; and you have encouraged where you ought to have prohibited. Improper

reftraints

reftraints have been laid on the continent, in favour of the Iflands. You have but two nations to trade with in America. Would you had twenty! Let acts of parliament in confequence of treaties remain, but let not an English minifter become a custom-houfe officer for Spain, or for any foreign power. Much is wrong, much may be mended for the general good of the whole.

Does the gentleman complain he has been misrepresented in the public prints? It is a common misfortune. In the Spanish affair of the lalt war, I was abused in all the news-papers for having advised his Majefty to violate the law of nations with regard to Spain. The abuse was induftriously circulated even in hand-bills. If administration did not propagate the abufe, adminiftration never contradicted it. I will not fay what advice I did give to the King. My advice is in writing, figned by myself, in the poffeflion of the crown. But I will fay what advice I did not give to the King: I did not advise him to violate any of the laws of nations.

As to the report of the gentlemen's preventing in fome way the trade for bullion with the Spaniards, it was fpoken of fo confidently, that I own I am one of those who did believe it to be true.

The gentleman muft not wonder he was not contradicted, when, as the minifter, he afferted the right of parliament to tax America. I know not how it is, but there is a modesty in this house which does not chufe to contradict a minister. I wish gentlemen would get the better of this modesty. If they do not, perhaps, the collective body may be gin to abate of the refpect for the reprefentative. Lord Bacon had told me, that a great question would not fail of being agitated at one time or another. I was willing to agitate that at the proper feafon, the German war: my German war, they called it. Every feffion I called out, has any body any objections to the German war? No body would object to it, one gentleman only excepted, fince removed to the upper houfe, by fucceffion to an ancient barony,' (meaning Lord le Defpencer, formerly Sir Francis Dafhwood;) he told me he did not like a German war," I honoured the man for it, and was forry when he was turned out of his poft,

A great deal has been said without doors, of the power and of the ftrength of America. It is a topic that ought to be cautiously meddled with. In a good caufe, on a found bottom, the force of this country can crush America to atoms. I know the valour of your troops. I know the fkill of your officers. There is not a company of foot that has ferved in America, out of which you may not pick a man of fufficient knowledge and experience, to make a governor of a colony there. But on this ground, on the flamp-act, when fo many here will think it a crying injuftice, I am one who will lift up my hands against it.

In fuch a caufe your fuccefs would be hazardous.-America, if she fell, would fall like the ftrong man. She would embrace the pillars of the fate, and pull down the conftitution along with her. Is this your boafted peace? Not to fheath the fword in its scabbard, but to fheath it in the bowels of your countrymen? Will you quarrel with yourfelyes, now the whole houfe of Bourbon is united against you? While

[C]

France

France disturbs your fisheries in Newfoundland, embarrasses your flave trade to Africa, and with-holds from your fubjects in Canada, their property ftipulated by treaty; while the ransom for the Manillas is denied by Spain, and its gallant conqueror bafely traduced into a mean plunderer, a gentleman (Sir W. Draper) whofe noble and generous fpirit would do honour to the proudeft grandee of the country. The Americans have not in all things acted with prudence and temper. They have been wronged. They have been driven to madness by injuftice. Will you punish them for the madness you have occafioned? Rather let prudence and temper come firft from this fide. I will undertake for America, that he will follow the example. There are two lines in a ballad of Prior's, of a man's behaviour to his wife, fo applicable to you and your colonies, that I cannot help repeating them :

Be to her faults a little blind:

Be to her virtues very kind.

Upon the whole, I will beg leave to tell the house what is really my opinion. It is, that the ftamp-act be repealed abfolutely, totally, and immediately. That the reafon for the repeal be affigned, because it was founded on an erroneous principle. At the fame time, let the fovereign authority of this country over the colonies, be afferted in as ftrong terms as can be devised, and be made to extend to every point of legif. lation whatsoever. That we may bind their trade, confine their manufactures and exercise every power whatsoever, except that of taking their money out of their pockets without their confent!'

This debate determined the repeal of the ftamp-act. At the fame time a bill was brought in, and paffed, for fecuring the dependence of Ame. rica on Great Britain, in which it was afferted, "That the Parliament of Great Britain, had a right to bind the Colonies in all cases whatfoever."

But notwithstanding the repeal of the stamp-act, which had no other effect than diffolving the non-importation agreements formerly entered into, with regard to all commodities imported from Britain, the flame was only fmothered for a little time, feemingly that it might break out with greater violence, which it did, on the paffing of an act to allow the Eaft-India Company to export their teas to America duty free. Several fhips freighted with it were fent to the American Colonies, which they confidered as a method of infenfibly fubjecting them to taxation, and from this time we may date the total ceffation of all kind of friendship between Great Britain and her Colonies, as will appear by a perufal of the following Authentic Papers.

Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union, entered into by the Delegates of the feveral Colonies of New-Hampshire, Massachusett's, Fe. Sc. Sc. &c. Sc. &c. Jc. Ts. Sc. Sc. in General Congress, met at Philadelphia, May 20th, 17756

ARTICLE I. The name of the confederacy fhall henceforth be, The United Colonies of North America.

II. The united colonies hereby feverally enter into a firm league of friendship with each other, binding on themselves and their potterity, for their common defence against their enemies, for the fecurity

of

of their liberties and properties, the fafety of their perfons and families, and their mutual and general welfare.

III. That each colony fhall enjoy and retain as much as it may think fit of its own prefent laws, cuftoms, rights, privileges, and peculiar jurifdictions, within its own limits; and may amend its own conftitution, as fhall feem beft to its own affembly or convention.

IV. That for the more convenient management of general interefts, delegates fhall be elected annually, in each colony, to meet in General Congrefs, at fuch time and place as fhall be agreed on in the next preceding Congrefs. Only where particular circumftances do not make a deviation neceffary, it is understood to be a rule, that each fucceeding Congrefs is to be held in a different colony, till the whole number be gone through, and fo in perpetual rotation; and that accordingly, the next Congrefs after the prefent fhall be held at Annapolis, in Maryland.

V. That the power and duty of the Congrefs fhall extend to the determining on war and peace, the entering into alliances, the reconciliation with Great-Britain, the fettling all difputes between colony and colony, if any should arife, and the planting new colonies where proper. The Congrefs fhall alfo make fuch general ordinances thought neceffary to the general welfare, of which particular affemblies cannot be competent, viz. thofe that may relate to our general commerce or general currency, to the establishment of pofts, the regulation of our common forces; the Congrefs fhall alfo have the appointment of all officers civil and military, appertaining to the general confederacy, fuch as general treasurer, fecretary, &c. &c. &c.

VI. All charges of war, and all other general expences to be incurred for the common welfare, fhall be defrayed out of a common treasury, which is to be supplied by each colony, in proportion to its number of male polls between 16 and 60 years of age; the taxes for paying that proportion are to be laid and levied by the laws of each colony.

VII. The number of delegates to be elected, and fent to the Congress by each colony, fhall be regulated from time to time, by the number of fuch polls returned; fo as that one delegate be allowed for every 5000 polls. And the delegates, are to bring with them to every Congrefs an authenticated return of the number of polls in their respective colonies, which is to be taken for the purposes above mentioned.

VII. At every meeting of the Congrefs, one half of the members returned, exclusive of proxies, fhall be neceffary to make a quorum; and each delegate at the Congrefs fhall have a vote in all cafes; and if neceffarily abfent, fhall be allowed to appoint any other delegate from the fame colony to be his proxy, who may vote for him.

IX. An executive council fhall be appointed by the Congress out of their own body, confifting of 12 perfons, of whom in the first appointment, one third, viz. four, shall be for one year, four for two years, and four for three years; and as the faid terms expire, the vacancies fhall be filled up by appointments for three years, whereby one third of the members will be chofen annually; and each perfon who has ferved the fame term of three years as counfellor, fhall have

a respite