universities, rich lectures in the city, setting sail to all winds that might blow gain into their covetous bosoms."*

As to Cromwell, with whom we are more immediately concerned, it is now extremely difficult to ascertain what were the precise views with which he entered into public life. But it is manifest that his conduct at that period was marked with a deep impression of gloom and restlessness, and above all, by a rankling disaffection towards every person who moved in a sphere higher than his own, or who adopted measures which had not received his approbation. When admitted into Parliament, he kept his eyes constantly fixed on subjects of complaint and matters of grievance; and without having devised any particular scheme of reform in church or state, he made no scruple to condemn all who had the management of political and ecclesiastical affairs. When asked on one occasion to express his sentiments on these important points, and to declare openly what changes he might deem expedient, he replied"I can tell what I would not have, though I cannot tell what I would have." There is reason to apprehend that this description would have applied to more than half the members of the Lower House.

* Milton's Prose Works, vol. i. p. 130, and Note C. at the end of this volume.

CHAPTER III

Comprehending the Incidents which occurred from the meeting of the Long Parliament, in November 1640, until the new modelling of the Army, at the suggestion of Cromwell, in the year 1644.

ALTHOUGH the abilities of Cromwell were better suited to the active duties of the field than to the deliberations of a legislative body, the figure which he made in Parliament prior to the commencement of the civil war, entitles him to a place among those patriots, whose exertions imposed permanent and constitutional limits upon the royal prerogative. The zeal which he had already manifested in the cause of religion, recommended him as a member of several committees, appointed from time to time by the House to enquire into the state of the church, and to devise means for its farther reformation. He forthwith found himself among men not less inclined than he was to incur all the perils of innovation, on the chance that some advantages might accrue to the public, or to their individual interests. The unfortunate dissolution in the preceding April had infused into their minds a deep sentiment of indignation, suspicion, and alarm; and they met in

in

November, resolved not to separate until they had deprived the King both of the means and the power to resist or to punish their encroachments. "There was perceived," Lord Clarendon remarks," a marvellous elated countenance many of the members of Parliament before they met together in the house; the same men who, six months before, were observed to be of very moderate tempers, and to wish that gentle remedies might be applied, talked now in another dialect, both of things and persons. They used much sharp discourse, and said that they must not only sweep the house clean below, but also pull down all the cobwebs which hung in the tops and corners, that these might not breed dust, and so make a foul house hereafter; that they had now an opportunity to make their country happy, by removing all grievances, and pulling up the causes of them by the roots, if all men would do their duties."

Among the friends of reform were several distinguished persons, such as Clarendon, Falkland, and Hollis, who had no wish to degrade the crown, nor even to diminish its authority farther than the security of a just and rational freedom absolutely required. But the time was now past when such concessions as formerly would have satisfied even the most ardent advocate for popular rights, could be received as the basis of an agreement between the sovereign and his people. It was resolved to deprive him of the command of the military and naval forces of the kingdom, to deny him the privilege of appointing the great officers of state, to restrict his power in granting titles and conferring par

dons; and, in a word, to reduce the prerogative to a mere sound, and the functions of royalty to an empty pageant. "Should I grant these demands," said Charles, in reply to the propositions which were submitted to him, " I may be waited on bareheaded; I may have my hand kissed; the title of Majesty may be continued to me; and the King's authority signified by both Houses, may still be the style of your commands; I may have swords and maces carried before me, and please myself with the sight of a crown and sceptre, (though even these twigs would not long flourish when the stock upon which they grew was dead,) but as to true and real power, I should remain but the outside, but the picture, but the sign of a king. His towns," he added, "were taken from him, his ships, his army, his money; and nothing," he observed, " remained to him but a good cause, and the hearts of his loyal subjects, which, with God's blessing, he doubted not would recover all the rest."

These severe measures which were prosecuted with so much resolution by the popular party, alienated from them many members of the Lower House, who were, upon the whole, friendly to the cause of national freedom. The trial and execution of Strafford, indicated by no unambiguous tokens the fierce spirit which animated their counsels; and created fears among the more reflecting part of the community as to the ulterior designs of a body of men, who seemed more desirous to punish past delinquencies than to provide against future attacks on the constitution. The debates excited by the discussion on the Remonstrance, showed clearly that Parlia

ment was already much divided on the expediency of depressing the crown to a lower level, and of raising any higher a power less capable of control, and whose pretensions were still more likely to disturb the established principles of government. This famous deed recorded against the King all the unpopular acts of his reign, and omitted no topic which could affect the passions or prejudices of the people: and such an opinion had his enemies of their own strength, that they entertained the hope of seeing it pass without any opposition. Cromwell, who took a very active part in recommending it to the House, remarked to Lord Falkland that the debate would be but a sorry one. But in this expectation he was very much deceived; for this discussion, the last which was resolutely maintained by the royal adherents in the House of Commons, continued from an early hour in the morning until after midnight, when the measure was carried by a small majority of nine or eleven voices. The members then fell into such a tumultuous dispute upon a proposition to print the Remonstrance, that they were with difficulty separated three hours afterwards. "When they voted it," says Sir Philip Warwick, "I thought we had all sat in the valley of the shadow of death; for we, like Joab and Abner's young men, had catched at each other's locks, and sheathed our swords in each other's bowels, had not the sagacity and great calmness of Mr Hampden by a short speech prevented it, and led us to defer our angry debate until the next morning." In leaving the House, Lord Falkland asked Cromwell, whether there had not been a debate? To which