for hundreds more of instructed Eurasians and Natives. The Sovereigns, whether Kings, Rajahs, or Nawabs, under British protection, would in the first instance, employ Secretaries who understood English, and when the advantage became apparent, get tutors to teach their sons. The next generation of the higher classes, thus obtaining the education of their equals in the West, would advance beyond their fathers two centuries in the ordinary progress of that knowledge, which conters beneficial power. No imaginable blessing could be bestowed on the protected states, equal to the proper education of their Sovereigns. These, being essentially despots, possess more unchecked dominion over the lives, property, and happiness, of their subjects, than any monarch of Europe. They are armed with means of doing good, or evil, indeed, which have no limits but what the British authorities impose. Virtually guaranteed against any rebellion, that oppression might excite otherwise, they hold the people at their mercy. Among independent nations, each is supposed to know best how to manage its own affairs, including the tuition of its rulers. But nonage and incapacity in the case of nations, as of individuals, not only admit of interference, but demand it. A Native Prince, whose territory is under British protection, appears to me as justly entitled to the guardianship of the Governor General, in his minority as a ward in chancery is to that of the Lord Chancellor, who is especially bound to see him educated for the duties of his station. From what I think a very mistaken di interestedness, however, the pupillage of an Indian Prince, is resigned into the hands of a faction, whose objects in nine cases out of teu are to embezzle his revenues, and prevent the developement of his mental faculties, that he may never be capable of detecting their misdeeds, or assuming the administration himself. At this moment the young Rajahs of Jaypore, Bhurtpore, Indore, Nagpore, and Gwalior, are precisely in the predicament described, none of whom, unless possibly the last, could have ever attained power without our intervention. The prosperity of extensive regions, and the well being of subject nations depend on the personal qualities of these youths, and those on the education which they receive. The interest of the multitude is never once considered, unless it be most erroneously supposed identical with that of the regencies, the dormant parties to wit, consisting in the instances cited of perhaps a score of persons at each Court. Is not the welfare of millions thus sacrificed to a fallacy? Were the ministry of any of them to injure the sight, hearing, or limbs, of their Prince, or were they literally to immure him in darkness, the paramount state, I believe, would interpose to punish the traitors, yet these evils, being in a great measure personal, scarcely affect more than one individual in the principality; while the mind of an absolute Sovereign, which we allow to be uninformed and vitiated, is a general calamity to his people, every one of whom, we are morally, if not by treaty, bound to protect as well as him. I have seldom known a young Native of rank, who did not express a wish to learn English. He and his countrymen in general prefer any document relative to their affairs, when written in our language. The very characters are associated in his mind, with the superior probity of Europeans, and give him assurance that the authorities understand what their names are affixed to. Persian, on the contrary, which few of our functionaries read with their own eyes is so often, the instrument of deception, and fraud by the scribes who write, endite, and read it to their confiding masters, that it engenders all the distrust attached to their reputation. In truth rich and poor would to the utmost of their means have long since made the acquisition, that I think so desirable for them and us, were they not discour aged by men in office. A majority perhaps of these are unfriendly to Native education, on the principles, which actuated so many Lords and Bishops, in opposing the establishment of the London university. Knowledge, think they, without always saying so, is power, which makes subjects dangerous to those who govern them. It is moral power however, which knowledge confers, not brute force, nor the disposition to employ it improperly. The effect of educating the Natives therefore, would be to give them a clearer perception of their true interest, and consequently to indicate the advantage of upholding institutions, which the same intelligence shewed to be beneficial. They are not the well educated, but most ignorant of Englishmen who break power looms. Trusting to the obvious tendency of human nature, which is the same every where, Insurance Companies stake their fortunes on the improbability of a sane person's setting fire to the house that shelters him, even when he might lose nothing by its destruction. The inertia of the mass of a people, more especially of Asiatics, possessing the simplest means of happiness, is of itself such strong security against insurrection, that nothing less than goading evils inflicted by the rulers, can overcome it in India. Rebellion is made of sterner stuff than philosophy engenders, or the occupations of elegant literature, suggest to the mind. Helvetius indeed, a French author, once eminent, goes so far as to argue that cunning despots patronize letters, as useful toys to divert an influential portion of their subjects, from meddling with affairs of state. I am not of opinion however, that knowledge reconciles men to exclusion and disability in their own country, after they attain to national manhood, and become as fit to enjoy freedom as their instructors in civilization. Nor am I aware, that history furnishes any example of one country deriving substantial advantage from the subjection of another, without allowing it a reciprocity of benefits. We cannot reap unless we sow, and the best soil gets exhausted if denied manure or irrigation. But let India and our western empire each get habituated to supply the others wants by interchanging the products of their industry, and the ablest demogogues will need much assistance to put them commercially asunder. If to this Bond of union be added the nobler ties of an education common to both races which shall comprise a qualification rendering them equally eligible to civil offices in this country few elements of political dissolution will remain. Even now I can read nothing in the signs of future times that prognosticates combination among the jarring nations and sects of the East or the least likelihood of any one of them preferring its rival to the foreign ascendancy which each reckons best with a solitary reservation in favour of itself. It is not reason, however, or even thinking, that chiefly opposes beneficial innovation of any sort; but the feeling and convenience of individuals frequently present, as in this case, formidable obstacles on the threshold. Were English to become the language of political correspondence, for example, the secretary or pedagogue employed by each of our allies and subordinates, might dabble in politics, to the horror of the official gentleman who would have to answer his despatches. If a bad man and artful intriguer he might get credit with his new master for managing our functionaries, and with them for ruling him while only embarrassing both to serve himself. This is all possible and even probable. But suppose the person selected for the office to be a well taught virtuous and able character: might he not act the part of an enlightened minister, explain a thousand misapprehensions, prove honesty to be the best policy, and convince his Prince that it is possible to propitiate our high officials by good conduct instead of trickery and weighty considerations from his Treasury? It is too much however to allege that Secretaries to Government and Residents should not deprecate the necessity of corresponding on state affairs with a low bred profligate, become the confident of a native sovereign, while they are liable to be represented as having a corrupt understanding with him on the strength of his knowing English. But why should the medium of communication so much aggravate their disgust? It in reality makes all the difference were the new vizier ever so worthless. At present, persons more infamously low than decent words can express often hold the highest places at native courts, hug our functionaries on meeting, write' to them and are answered in the most amicable terms and very often debit their masters handsomely for the material which is supposed by them to cement all such official friendships. The wages of iniquity, in all the phases of bribery, are paid to as great an extent, I believe, in our time as under the Mogul rule. "In those days, say the people, the principals took our money and did our work but now underlings alone will acknowledge the receipt of it we are not certain where it goes and are often disappointed." At present the name of the head of the oflice always suffers, in 99 cases out of 100, without his knowing or profiting by the knavery. Can any system be worse or more revolting to an honorable man in power? Yet Europeans in office prefer to look on native acts in the palpable obscure of Persian, which renders their deformity far less perceptible. But let a Calcutta sircar or Up-country Baboo reveal the same misdeeds in bad English, then the veil is withdrawn, and the honest man is transformed into a miscreant. All cats, black and white, are gray in the dark, but admit the light, and behold, the black ones become black indeed! This explanation of the practice of reckoning every native, who speaks English, a rogue, does not imply ignorance of Persian, or any eastern tongue, for all the purposes of business, but the want of that familiarity with foreign phraseology which breeds contempt when contempt is due, and may prevent misplaced admiration. A kindred mist, spread over the Greek and Roman classics, perhaps magnifies their undoubted beauties to the eyes of our best scholars. Others uninformed of the daily abuses of Government and its officers in which Natives indulge, or despising libels in their language, apprehend nothing less than the downfal of the empire from free discussion by them in printed English. This is a subject either egregiously misconceived or misrepresented by those who speak and write upon it. The most ferocious libeller who expected readers for his productions would abstain from publishing in English such calumnies as appear every day in Persian. The Editors of Akhbars feed the diseased appetite of their subscribers with the most reckless mendacity concerning the Rulers of the country, their wives and daughters, from the highest to the humblest that exercise authority. They are not restricted to uniformity like those who throw off an impression for all purchasers, but employing penmen only, they endeavour to supplying every customer with what he likes best to read. It is requisite therefore to use some artifice to get possession of fair samples of their current Numerous specimens are now before me which with reference to the nature of the imputations may be called public private and mixed libels on Europeans. They have been insert news. ed at various dates in a sort of common place Book and kept by a friend as curiosities. Not a few of them are atrocious, and the comparatively moderate ones are generally too strong for the taste of English readers, or such pointed lampoons that the objects of attack might be recognised. The writers, like other libellers, prefer truth when it suits their purpose, and excel in the art of turning molehills into mountains: but I shall select those most distinguished for falsehood. The natives using neither asterisks nor blanks, write the names and surnames of the parties abused at full length or as they see them on Persian seals. 1st." It is known that the 's' widow offered to pre else than the promise of council day, she sent for to return vail on her brother (or relative) to permit from banishment to his native city if he would present her with a lack of rupees and the terms were joyfully accepted. Yet when this avaricious woman had got nothing to grant the favour on the (the exile) and demanded the money, -"" and he humbly beseeched her to excuse him until orders were received when he would certainly present her a Nuzzur of a lack of rupees on taking leave to return home. then she waxed wroth with a red face and commanded him to quit her presence. Now this is truth : and Mr. knowing that Mr. would not consent to let (the exile) go away, he and she colluded to cheat him of his money without doing that for which he was willing to pay it. What is equal to the cunning and wickedness of the English? to death like 2d. He has caused a new seal to be inscribed with the title of enthroned (Guddee Nusheen) Rajah and will doubtless put Maharaja when he has time to force open the doors of the Zenana and seize him. They (The British authorities) are helpless -but when did they ever assist the unfortunate unless for their own profit? Besides he (the Guddee Nusheen) on Wednesday sent off Vakeel with one lack and seventy thousand rupees as a present to Mr. and his Amlah, God knows how much the gentleman himself is to get. The keeper of the Wardrobe says also that will start very soon with four lacks for and -and the ladies. Since Maharajah cannot pay so much, there is no hope (for his cause) and the usurper's roots are in water. 3d. The European king and his viziers having heard that the is a fool exceedingly slack in managing affairs he is to be re-called and a clever lord sent out to save Bengal. 4. Praise to God: the infidels of two races are destroying each other to the East. The Burmese are advancing with many heavy cannon to batter the citadel of Calcutta wherein the wealth |