from them, and as it was as expedient to have as few objections as possible to the proposed scheme of government, he thought it best to leave the matter as we find it. He observed that the abolition of slavery seemed to be going on in the United States, and that the good sense of the several states would probably by degrees complete it. He urged on the Convention the necessity of despatching its business." *

Mr. Ellsworth (of Connecticut) "was for leaving the clause as it stands. Let every state import what it pleases. The morality or wisdom of slavery are considerations belonging to the states themselves. What enriches a part enriches the whole, and the states are the best judges of their particular interest. The old Confederation had not meddled with this point; and he did not see any greater necessity for bringing it within the policy of the new one." †

The motion to extend the period allowed for importation of slaves from 1800 to 1808, made by C. C. Pinckney, was seconded by Gorham (of Massachusetts), and was carried by the vote of Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Hampshire (with Georgia and South Carolina).

When it is also remembered that the Revolution might, with a little paradox, be said to have arisen with the, so-called, "molasses act," passed in 1733 to restrain New England's activities in the slave trade in the interest of English merchants in that trade, who, reading these words of the New Englanders who took part in making the Constitution, in the light of their bargain with Georgia and South Carolina which fastened slavery and the tariff upon the United States, reading their later protests (not always made without avowedly political reasons) when on the annexation of Texas, Massachusetts "Resolved, That the annexation of a large slaveholding territory. . . is . . . a deliberate assault upon the compromises of the Constitution." +

"Resolved, That our attention is directed anew to the 'wrong and enormity' of slavery . . . and that we are impressed with the unalterable conviction, that a regard for the fair fame of our country, for the principles of morals, and for that righteousness which exalteth a nation, sanctions and requires all constitutional efforts for the destruction of the unjust influence of the slave power, and for the abolition of slavery within the limits of the United States." *

When Vermont

"Resolved, That this legislature views with alarm . . . the attempt of... Missouri to obtain admission into the Union ... under constitution which . . . contains provisions to prevent freemen of the United States from . . . settling in Missouri, on account of their origin, colour, and features . . . etc." +

When New England generally passed "personal liberty" laws, when rifles were bought by her philosophers and "solid men" for John Brown's raid, etc., etc.; who, knowing these things and familiar with historical continuity, can avoid thinking of Mr. Webster's characterization of his fellow citizens, in his letter of October 14, 1826, to Mr. Haddock:

"In regard to the moral character generally of our ancestors, the settlers of New England, my opinion is that they possessed all the Christian virtues but charity; and they seem never to have doubted that they possessed that also. And nobody could accuse their system or their practice but of one vice, and that was religious hypocrisy, of which they had an infusion without ever being sensible of it.

"It necessarily resulted from that disposition which they cherished, of subjecting men's external conduct, in all particulars, to the influence and government of express rule and precept, either of church or state. That always makes hypocrites and formalists; it leads men to rely on mint and cummin.”

* Massachusetts, on the Mexican War. Acts and Resolves of Massachusetts, 1846-1848.

† On the Missou. Constitution, November 16, 1829.

APPENDIX 20A1

(Page 313)

"SLAVES as these unfortunate black people are, and dull as all men are from slavery, must they not a little suspect the offer of freedom from that very nation which has sold them to their present masters? From that nation, one of whose causes of quarrel with those masters, is their refusal to deal any more in that inhuman traffic? An offer of freedom from England, would come rather oddly, shipped to them in an African vessel, which is refused an entry into the ports of Virginia or Carolina, with a cargo of three hundred Angola negroes. It would be curious to see the Guinea captain attempting at the same instant to publish his proclamation of liberty, and to advertise his sale of slaves." *

APPENDIX 20A2

(Page 317)

To the same purport is the testimony of the Marquis de Chastellux:

"Il faut aussi rendre cette justice aux Virginiens, c'est que plusieurs d'entre eux traitent leurs nègres avec beaucoup d'humanité. Il faut encore leur en rendre une autre, qui leur est plus honorable, c'est qu'en général ils paroissent affligés d'en avoir, et qu'ils parlent sans cesse d'abolir l'esclavage et de chercher un autre moyen de faire valoir leurs terres. Il est vrai que cette opinion, presq'universellement établie, est inspirée par différens motifs. Les Philosophes, et les jeunes gens qui sont la plupart élevés dans les principes de la bonne philosophie, n'evisagent que la justice et les droits de l'humanité. Les pères de famille et ceux qui sont occupés principalement de leurs intérêts, se plaignent que leurs nègres leur coûtent bien cher à entretenir; que le travail qu'on en exige, Burke's Speech on Conciliation of the Colonies,

n'est ni aussi fructueux ni à aussi bon marché que celui des journaliers ou des domestiques blancs; enfin que les épidemies, qui sont très communes, rendent leur propriété très précaire et leur revenu très incertain," etc.*

The entire passage is well worth reading, as showing the views of a humane and intelligent man who, perceiving the evil, was also able to perceive the very great difficulties to be overcome in its removal,-in brief, truly a philanthropist; neither a hypocrite nor fanatic.

"The bill on the subject of slaves, was a mere digest of the existing laws respecting them, without any intimation of a plan for a future and general emancipation. It was thought better that this should be kept back, and attempted only by way of amendment, whenever the bill should be brought on. The principles of the amendment, however, were agreed on, that is to say, the freedom of all born after a certain day, and deportation at a proper age. But it was found that the public mind would not yet bear the proposition, nor will it bear it even at this day. Yet the day is not distant when it must bear and adopt it, or worse will follow. Nothing is more certainly written in the book of fate, than that these people are to be free; nor is it less certain that the two races, equally free, cannot live in the same government. Nature, habit, opinion have drawn indelible lines of distinction between them." +

APPENDIX 21

(Page 55)

It is not perhaps wholly insignificant that in the Declaration of Independence the "u" in "united" is uncapitalized : i. e., "the united States."

"May the United States be more and more united." ‡

*"Voyages," Vol. II, pp. 145, 146; P., 1786.

† Jefferson's "Autobiography," "Works," Vol. I, pp. 48-49.

Second toast at 4th of July banquet at Kennebunk, Me.; Jenks's Gazette, Portland, July 16, '98.

- "But still compelled to fight against the flesh and sin, to the Thirteen United States, who, notwithstanding they have acquired liberty and independence, are under the necessity of employing all their force to combat a formidable power

The Declaration of Independence says:

"The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America.. That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be, Free and Independent States."

The preamble to the Ordinance for Government of Northwest Territory says: "the basis whereon these republics.. are erected."

...

"Whereas his Britannic majesty, in conjunction with the lords and commons of Great Britain, has, by a late act of parliament, excluded the inhabitants of these United Colonies from the protection of his crown . . . and it is necessary that the exercise of every kind of authority under the said crown, should be totally suppressed, and all the powers of government exerted, under the authority of the people of the colonies. . . therefore resolved," etc. †

"Resolved, That it be recommended to the respective assemblies and conventions of the United Colonies, where no government sufficient to the exigencies of their affairs hath been hitherto established, to adopt such government, as shall in the opinion of the representatives of the people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constituents in particular, and America in general." +

Here, prior to the Declaration, the term is used in a context unsusceptible of misconstruction to indicate the people of the colonies severally.

"Resolved, That in all continental commissions, and other instruments, where, heretofore, the words 'United Colonies'

* Chastellux, "Travels in North-America, 1780-1782," Vol. II, p. 228. † Journals of Congress, May 15, 1776. Preamble to Resolution of the 10th inst.

Journals of Congress, May 10, 1776.