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so put to rest. The right of visit and search, is impliedly conceded; and the flag is not to cover the crew. It is not three months, sir, since I saw " free trade and sailors' rights" floating in proud defiance on your flag, on the battery at the white house. The mystic words were written on the star-spangled banner, which our naval heroes carried into the very British channel, where it waved in triumph. But, alas ! your Hulls, Decaturs, Perries, and M'Donoughs, now know, that the President is content to wave the question of sailors' rights, and to give the go-by to that of the flags covering the crew. They now know, from what sources and what motives, proceeded all their delusive, senseless uproar about sailor's rights, by the very men who have struggled in times past to degrade our Navy, and in their own words “ would have gone further to see it consumed by fire, than to extinguish the flames.' Yes, sir, these heroes may now ask, for what have we fought glorious battles, achieved brilliant victories, spilt our blood, plucked the brightest gem, from the British diadem, when cowardice has torn down the “ flag which valour had nailed to the mast.”

be complained of, sir, for these digressions ; but if we are to trace our difficulties to their source, we must mount higher than to this, or that particular error and act of folly, which has characterized the vicious system of politics so long persevered in, to the disgrace and ruin of the country. The root of the evil is not this, or that blunder ; but it is the political system of administration, not only in relation to the finances, but to the general policy of the government. It has been tried, fatally tested, and has led, and can lead, to nothing but disappointment, suffering, and disgrace. Let it then be abandoned at once and for ever, or all efforts to save the country, will have but a temporary effect, and be productive only of increased difficulties hereafter.

I may

Continuation of Mr. Hanson's Speech, on his motion to

strike out the first section of the bank bill, Nov. 20, 1814.

IT once was the pride and happiness of this country, (and I bring back the recollections of gentlemen to the period with bitter feelings of regret) to flourish under the benign influence of a political system, which experience proved to be conducive to our fame and welfare. Preferring the people's good to the people's favour, the party now in the minority, introduced and faithfully adhered to that systein, which raised the nation to a state of unexampled prosperity and happiness. Its results are now matter of history. Unfortunate for the country, it was misunderstood, systematically misrepresented, and derided by the demagogues of the day, and finally rejected by the majority of the people. Yes, sir, a false and erroneous understanding of it was imposed upon the minds of the deluded people, and it was discarded because they knew not its value. Even after we were denied by the people, it continued our chief care, the principal object of our ambition, the sole motive to exertion, to preserve to the country what it had already gained. We betrayed no unwillingness that our successors should reap the glory and benefit of our institutions, provided only they were preserved to the country. When at last, the infuriate passion of party, and the unrelenting spirit of persecution succeeded in overthrowing and sweeping away most of those institutions, we should still have been content if the great objects for which they were designed, the peace, honour, and safety of the country, could have been preserved. They have all been destroyed, and covered up in the same grave.

Gentlemen now feel and acknowledge the loss of one of those noble institutions, the national bank, and they would recall it to relieve them from difficulties which cause distress and dismay throughout the land. That cannot be. It is too late. The dead cannot be restored to life. To use the language of the gentleman from South-Carolina,* they who

Mr. Calhoun.

legislate upon party principles, must expect those measures to re-act upon themselves. Did it not involve the dearest interests and safety of the country, I should rejoice that retribution has at last overtaken the men who have inflicted such deep injuries upon us. Suffer, greatly suffer they must; but the country--we suffer with them, the innocent and the guilty alike, except the consolation which a good conscience never fails to administer.

Sir, when I reflect on what our country once was, and might still have been, and what it now is when I think of the blessings thrown away, and the miseries endured, my indignation against the cool, remorseless, perverse plotter of our afiictions and perils, is ready to burst forth on this floor in disorderly exclamations ! my heart almost overflows with mingled grief and indignation ! Daily do I expect the happening of some great event, the coming of some awful public calamity, to be decisive of our fate. A war of wide-spread, cruel desolation, threatened by a powerful and exasperated foe-the union shaken to its very centre, and tottering to a fall. with a government bankrupt in fortune and in fame; and yet where are we, what doing, what have we done? Where are we? Look around! seated on a barren heath amidst ruins ! surrounded by the loathsome objects of our dishonour! Indebted to the vandals for the roof that covers

The government itself paralyzed, chained down as it were, by the drowsiness that precedes death. And yet, gentlemen seem perfectly at their ease, tranquil as the undisturbed moon-beams, that play upon the gently waving billows. They repose in the delusive idea that there is no danger. The centinel upon the watch-tower has told them all's well. When the midnight robber has sallied forth from his covert and prowls about the streets for his prey;, when the incendiary has clapt his torch, and the city is wrapped in flames, the perfidious watchman, “'twixt sleep and wake,” cries from his box, all's well!

Sir, at this moment, the cold icy hand of death is on this people. The agony cannot be of long continuance. The crisis must soon be over, and if we are doomed to fall as a punishment of our sins as a nation, the day will have come when the blindest party zealot will acknow,

us.

ledge, that but one man stood between his country and its salvation. No one, sir, more devoutly and fervently wishes than I do, that we may be inspired with the wisdom, the virtue, and the energy to save this nation. But all is dark and cheerless. I see no lambent ray of hope gilding the dreary prospect before us. The hand writing on the wall points to our fixed destiny. It is written in characters so glaring and so legible, that he who runs may read. When, says the greatest moral philosopher of any age, did distress ever oblige a prince to abdicate his authority? This bars up every avenųe of escape.

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But I will not leave the country in so forlorn and desperate a condition. No, sir, I will address myself especially to this body, holding as it does now, with the other branch, the destinies of the nation in its hands. Let them act with promptitude and vigour ; and in the language of the secretary of the treasury, resolve not to delay another moment in every constitutional means to save the country. If they attempt to violate the constitution, they must sprinkle it with blood, with my blood; for I will not outlive the liberties of my country. Under the constitution the country can be saved, or let it fall. Consign this bill, at once, to the fate it merits. Adopt, at once, measures to revive public credit, to unite the people, and fill your armies. My voice and my arm is with you in every constitutional measure for the defence of the country. Energy, wis. dom, and virtue, will yet save the republic. If we have them not, if we cannot bring ourselves, regardless of considerations of popularity, to discharge our sacred trust like men-like patriots ; let us leave our seats, and ren. der back our powers to the people.

Extract from a Speech in Congress, by the Hon. FISHER

Ames, on the British treaty. IF any should maintain that the peace with the Indians will be stable without the posts, to them I will urge another reply

From arguments calculated to produce conviction, I will appeal directly to the hearts of those who hear me, and ask whether it is not already planted there? I resort especially to the convictions of the western gentlemen, whether, supposing no posts and no treaty, the settlers will remain in security ? Can they, take it upon them to say, that an Indian peace, under these circumstances, will prove firm ? No, sir, it will not be a peace, but a sword; it will be no better than a lure to draw victims within the reach of a tomahawk.

On this theme my emotions are unutterable. If I could find words for them, if my powers bore any proportion to my zeal, I would swell my voice to such a note of remonstrance, that it should reach every log.house, beyond the mountains. I would say to the inhabitants, awake from your false security. Your cruel dangers, your more cruel apprehensions, are soon to be renewed :

The wounds yet unhealed are to be torn open again! In : the day time your path through the woods will be am

bushed! The darkness of midnight will glitter with the i blaze of your dwellings! You are a father, the blood of

your sons will fatten your corn-field! You are a mother --the war-whoop shall wake the sleep of the cradle !

On this subject you need not suspect any deception on your feelings. It is a spectacle of horror, which cannot be overdrawn. If you have nature in your hearts, they will speak a language compared with which, all I have said, or can say, will be poor and frigid.

Will it be whispered that the treaty has made me a new champion for the protection of the frontiers ;-- it is known that my voice, as well as vote, has been uniformly given in conformity with the ideas I have expressed. Protection is the right of the frontiers; it is our duty to give it.

Who will accuse me of wandering out of the subject ? Who will say that I exaggerate the tendency of our measures! Will any one answer by a sneer, that all this is idle preaching? Would any one deny that we are bound, and I would hope, to good purpose, by the most solemn sanctions of duty for the vote we give ? Are despots alone to be reproached for unfeeling indifference to the tears and blood of their subjects ? Are republicans unresponsible! Have the principles on which you ground your reproach upon cabinets and kings, no practical influence, po binding force ? Are they merely themes of idle decla

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