blood,-it skilleth not out of what veine or part of the bodie it issued-it is an excellent remedie for that disease. The like effect it hath, if their mouths be rubbed with the said blood, who being overtaken with the epilepsie, are falne downe, for immediately thereupon they will rise and stand upon their feet. Some write that if the great toes be pricked untill they bleed againe, the drops that come forth worke the like effect in the falling sicknesse, so that the face of the patient be sprinkled or besmeared therewith."

But the most singular part of the story, as it seems to us, is the fact that while the Jewish lawgiver imparted a sacrificial virtue to the blood of animals, the Romans should have adopted a belief the very reverse. According to the Pagan theory, as handed down to us by Pliny, the blood of horses is venomous, and that of bulls is no better, except at Ægira, a city of Achaia, though why this spot should be an exception to the general rule he does not inform us. Goat's blood also he denounces, and adds that it is so strong nothing in the world will sharpen the edge of an iron tool sooner, or harden it when keen, and that it will polish steel better than any file.

If however this diversity of opinion be a legitimate cause for wonder, we have still greater reason to be surprised at finding that the Christians in the middle ages adopted the Pagan rather than the Jewish belief. The Emperor Constantine, it is true, was restrained from using this revolting remedy in consequence of a vision, and is said to have been cured by baptism, but the use of the blood-bath seems to have been by far too common both in ancient times and in the middle ages. Amidst a mass of fables the germs of truth are sufficiently evident, and in the time of the great leprosy this belief must have given occasion to numberless cruelties, more especially

as children and maidens were the objects of it, a class the least likely to be able to escape from the sacrifice demanded of them. After a time however it received a check from an opinion gradually gaining ground that only the blood of those would be efficacious, who offered themselves freely and voluntarily for a beloved sufferer. The idea of quoting poetry in support of historical fact may to many seem ridiculous, but the ballads of ancient times are for the most part modelled upon the customs and feelings of the age in which they were written; they were songs of the people and to the people, the records of the world about them, and we feel no hesitation in adducing Armer Heinrich-Poor Henry in proof of the popular notions of the period. It is one of the most beautiful poems of the thirteenth century, and in its simple and antique phraseology strongly reminds us of the old English ballads. The outlines of the story are nearly as follows. A Swabian knight, who possesses wealth, rank, and fame, all in short that can make life desirable, is on the sudden seized with leprosy. In order to escape the civil death, which was one of the terrible results of this disease, he roams through the world in the hope of somewhere finding a remedy, and Montpelier being in those days famous for its physicians, it is there that he first seeks assistance. They pronounce his case to be beyond their art, and he then repairs to Salerno, where he is made acquainted with the apparently hopeless means of curenamely that he should bathe in the blood of some child, or of some virgin, who shall submit to be a willing sacrifice. Sad at heart, he returns home, with the conviction that such terms of cure leave him no hope, and he therefore prepares himself to sorrow out the remainder of his days in solitude. It is now that a girl * Written by Hartman Von der Aue.

only twelve years old, the daughter of a countryman, conceives a passion for the knight while attending upon him, and accidentally hearing of this free-will offering determines to become his sacrifice. Henry, struck by the poor creature's attachment, at first refuses to avail himself of it, but her devotion is proof against all persuasions, and they set out together for Salerno. The fatal catastrophe, however, is averted by the knight's recovery through other means, and in requital for so much love he gives his hand to the maiden in marriage.

The story of Amicus and Amelius is another fable of the same kind; and there is a similar tale related of Louis XI. having a mind to avoid his approaching death by drinking the blood of young children. This monarch's incessant and puerile dread of death is matter of history, and availing himself of this weakness, his physician, the notorious Jacques Cotier, or Coythier, kept the tyrant in

* Salerno, the ancient Salernum, was celebrated so early as the eighth century for its medical institution, which was established by the Benedictines. In those dark ages the cures were supposed to be chiefly effected by help of the holy reliques of Saint Matthew, who was the tutelar saint of their monastery, and who thus acquired the credit, which modern heresy would attribute to the healthy situation of the town, for it is sheltered by mountains behind, while it faced the sea towards the south. In addition to these advantages, the water is remarkable for purity, and the country around is rich in medicinal herbs and plants, of which the monks had no doubt a practical knowledge, though we can hardly allow them the possession of science. Hence it became a custom for invalides of wealth and rank to pilgrimage thither for the recovery of their health, the first we have on record being Adalberon, archbishop of Verdun, whose visit occurred in the year 984. In after times Salerno acquired yet greater celebrity from the concourse of crusaders, who found it a convenient resting-place in their journey to and from the East, and by degrees the practice of medicine assumed a more scientific form, though it was still darkened by a multitude of absurdities. Sprengel in his admirable work-Versuch einer progmatischen Geschichte der Arzneykunde-gives a history of this school and its professors.

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subjection, getting from him enormous sums, besides causing him to amply provide for his friends and relations. 'Je sais bien, lui dit il quelquefois, que vous m'envoyerez comme vous faites d'autres, mais—par un grand serment qu'il jurait-vous ne vivrez point huit jours apres.""I know well," he would sometimes say, "that you will get rid of me as you have done of others, but and here he swore a solemn oath—" you will not live eight days afterwards." This incident, as the reader will probably well remember, has been transferred by Sir W. Scott, in Quentin Durward, to Martius Galeotti the astrologer to the same monarch, and who in fact has many other points of resemblance to Coythier.

The account given of the last hours of Louis XI. by the historian Gaguin bears sufficient testimony to the fact of the blood-drink, and though the historian has been justly reproached for his excessive credulity on many occasions, there seems to be no reason for doubting him here when all he asserts is so consonant to the prejudices of the age and the peculiar character of the monarch. As the whole scene is exceedingly curious in itself, as well as illustrative of our subject, we shall give a free version of a portion of it, which is in old French and the black letter.*"King Louis had no rest from his malady, and felt himself growing weaker and weaker every day, so that the fear of death encreased upon him, for no one was more desirous of life than he was. Nevertheless providing for his end he caused himself to be carried to Amboise, to which place having summoned his son, Charles, he said, My dear son, I am nearer to my end than you imagine; my disorder incessantly torments me, and no medicine affords any relief. You will reign after me, for the which you will find loyal servants the most essential. Amongst many whose faith and diliGAGUIN-Croniques de France. Fueillet. ccij. Folio, 1516.

*

gence I have experienced I particularly recommend two men to you, that is to say, Oliver le Dain and Jean de Doyat, for of the services of Oliver I have had the greatest use; take him after me into your service, and allow none of the goods or offices he has acquired from me to be taken from him. Gui Pot* and Bouchage, you will esteem as prudent men and of good counsel. In regard to Philip D'Esquerdes, doubt not he is skilful in all military matters, and therefore, when the war breaks out, make use of his prudence and moderation. All the others that have dignity and offices from me, I wish that you should confirm and entertain them. Relieve as much as you can the people, whom I have ground down by the necessity of war. Do not trust to your mother, for being of Savoy she has always seemed to me to favour the Burgundians. Otherwise, that is to say as to the rest of her qualities, I have always esteemed her good and virtuous." After having spoken thus, Louis returned to Tours where, thinking to relieve his disorder by music, he ordered all manner of instrumentalists to be brought together, and it is said that they amounted to one hundred and twenty. Amongst them were shepherds, and they played for many days by the king's chamber, that he might not yield to the sleepiness which oppressed him.† But besides this class of people he summoned to him Guy Pot was the Baily of Vermandois, and D'Esquerdes was a soldier of distinguished conduct and valour.

*

+ Pere Daniel in his "Histoire de France," (vol. vii. p. 640) tells us that in addition to these amusements, as the king could no longer go to the chase, of which he was passionately fond, they took the largest rats they could find and hunted them in his chamber with cats for his amusement. The same authority also relates the beforementioned story of Cotier-whom he calls Coctier-terrifying the king into compliance with all his wishes by swearing that he would not outlive him eight days. But indeed, tyrant as Louis was by nature, he seems to have been kept in abject submission by this man, and his worthy coadjutors, Olivier le Dain and Jean Doiac, or Doyat.,