II. BOOK small expence; but even this one life was a victim sacrificed by him at the shrine of his subtlety. Here the character of the politician breaks out". 1647. w It is somewhat singular that the record of this action is preserved only by Cromwel's mortal enemy, Ludlow. Clarendon and Echard tell a wild story; but without authenticity, and nothing to the purpose. They only knew the sort of man they spoke of, and have feigned a tale as they could, to put him on the scene. Clarendon, Vol. III, p. 87, 88. 469 CHAPTER XV. CHARLES IN THE ISLE OF WIGHT.-DISSIMULATION XV. THE house of commons no sooner received in- CHAP. formation that the king was in the isle of Wight, than they dispatched their serjeant at arms to bring up Berkeley, Ashburnham and Legge, who had the isle of accompanied him, in custody: but this was after wards waved. 1647. Charles in Wight. When Charles withdrew himself from Hampton His mesCourt, he left a written message to the two houses sages. on his table, stating that he purposed for the present to withdraw himself from the public view both of friends and enemies b. And, six days after, he wrote a letter to the parliament, stating his reasons why he could not consent to the abo a Journals of Commons, Nov. 15. BOOK lition of episcopacy and some other things that they required of him. II. 1647. Four bills Notwithstanding the king's absence, the houses proposed. proceeded as before in the question of the propositions to be sent to him for his assent. But, the Scots' commissioners objecting to this mode, and pressing for a personal treaty, the lords, in seeming compliance, voted four propositions to be sent to him in the form of bills, which being previously sanctioned by him, they agreed that the most satisfactory way would be to admit of a treaty on the reste. King sends the head Windsor. The king observed to Berkeley previously to his flight, that he was unwilling to quit the kingdom before the rendezvous, since, if the officers succeeded in quelling the mutiny, they would then be able to make good their engagements to him. The rendezvous terminated in the manner that was desired; and Charles lost no time in dispatching Berkeley to the head-quarters, which were now at Windsor, to learn from Cromwel and Ireton His recep. what he was to expect. He was received by them in a general meeting of officers, where he delivered the king's letters; but their manner towards him was very discouraging. In the evening he obtained an interview with scout-master-general tion. XV. 1647. lation of Cromwel. Watson, who told him that it was now resolved CHAP. on, to bring the king to a trial, and what might follow on that he dared not think. Berkeley asked him, what was the meaning of this change, since the officers had had the advantage at the rendezvous? Watson answered, that the mutineers had Dissimuin appearance been quelled, but that they were so far from being so in reality, that two-thirds of the army had been with Cromwel and Ireton, one after another, to tell them that they would leave nothing unessayed to bring the whole to their sense, though they perished in the attempt. Cromwel, he added, was terrified at the spirit that was manifested, and now bent all his thoughts upon making his peace with the party most opposite to the king. He acknowledged, that, the glories of the world had so dazzled his eyes, that he could not discern the great work the Lord was doing; that he therefore desired to humble himself, and intreated the prayers of the saints, that God would forgive him his self-seeking. Through these arts he was reinstated in the fellowship of the faithful, and had now determined to go all lengths with them in the execution of their ends. Berkeley, p. 69, et seqq. The letter which Berkeley brought with him, addressed by the king to Fairfax, is dated November 29. Rushworth, p. 918. Ludlow has copied this whole passage into his Memoirs, p. 226, et seqq., without a comment, as he has done one half of Berkeley's narrative. Hence several modern historians have asserted that BOOK 11. 16+7. City threatened with military execution. The other two proposed assemblings of the army passed off a few days after in a spirit of harmony and submission". Still however it appears that no effectual remedy was applied to the grievances complained of, particularly with respect to pay and free quarter. The tardy coming in of the supplies for satisfying the army, was principally attributed to the disaffection of the common two-thirds of the army were with the mutineers, and that Cromwel was compelled to yield to them (a matter not averred by either of these writers); and Maseres (Tracts relating to the Civil Wars, Preface, p. liii) gravely remarks, that Ludlow's Memoirs " agree perfectly" in this respect with Berkeley's (as a copy generally does). The character of Ludlow as an historian is not generally understood. He was emphatically an honest man, and was a firm republican. But he was not a man of brilliant parts or of penetration. He wrote long after the events he speaks of, and with scarcely any documents. His integrity therefore is greatly to be relied on, but his accuracy little. He was vehemently prejudiced against Cromwel, because Cromwel finally turned against his masters; and he therefore willingly relates almost any thing to his disadvantage. Ludlow follows up this story with the remark, “For my own part, I am inclined to believe that his son Ireton never intended to close with the king, but only to lay his party asleep, while they were contesting with the presbyterian interest in parliament." This is ridiculous, and betrays the bias of the writer's mind. We have no more reason to believe that Cromwel was dazzled with the glories of being to be made earl of Essex, than Ireton with the offer of the lord lieutenancy of Ireland. And we have seen in more than one instance, that Cromwel was disposed to go greater lengths in avowing the republican principle, but was held back by the caution of Ireton. "Rushworth, p. 876, 878. Whitlocke, Nov. 18, |