BY F. C. SCHLOSSER, PRIVY COUNCILLOR AND PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF TRANSLATED, WITH A PREFACE AND NOTES, BY D. DAVISON, M.A. VOL. I. LONDON: CHAPMAN AND HALL, 186 STRAND. 1843. --2. IN N introducing the following portion of Prof. Schlosser's History of the Eighteenth Century' to the notice of the English public, I must trespass upon the reader with a few preliminary remarks. In the course of a residence for some time in Germany, with a view to acquire a knowledge of the language and literature of the country, of its social and political condition, and especially its educational institutions, I have passed the last winter in Heidelberg, from which I now write. The European reputation of Prof. Schlosser, and his lectures upon the Eighteenth Century, naturally attracted my attention, as bearing upon the various objects of my inquiry; attendance upon his lectures led to a careful perusal of the portions of his work already published, and to a personal acquaintance with himself; and repeated intercourse and conversation enable me to speak authoritatively with respect to his general views, to the spirit in which the work is conceived, and the accessory as well as the main objects which it was intended to accomplish. The History of the Eighteenth Century,' of which no inconsiderable portion of the second part of the third volume, not yet issued in Germany, is here presented, has excited great attention on the continent of Europe*. The opinion which is entertained of its value and importance in Germany may be seen by a reference to the Allgemeine Zeitung of Dec. 1842, No. 358, and following numbers, pp. 2860, etc. etc. It has been already translated into French and Dutch, and now appears in an English dress. The literary portion of the history, as far as it has yet been written— till 1780, is contained in these volumes, and will be immediately followed by the political portion till the same period. And the Translator believes he will thus best consult the taste and convenience of the public, inasmuch as each of the parts is in itself complete. The Work derives its value, not merely from the profound and minute acquaintance of the Author with the subject, from the new views which are presented and the hitherto unexamined sources from which much has been derived; but from his well-known independence of character from the freedom, alas! how rare in German political writers! with which he speaks of events, many of which have occurred during his own life-from the general conclusions which he draws from comparative views of the resources, conduct, manners, institutions and literature of the great European nations, during a period unparalleled in the history of the world for the development of the physical and mental powers of mankind, for the greatness of the events which have occurred, for the progress of knowledge, for the cultivation of the arts and sciences, for all that which can contribute to the greatness and prosperity of nations. The eighteenth century was an age of transition sometimes gradual and peaceful, and sometimes rapid and revolutionary, from the still lingering usages and institutions of the middle ages to the full light and liberty of the present day. The progress is continuous in our own century, notwithstanding occasional drawbacks, pointing onward to a period of still freer institutions, of greatly increased knowledge, of higher degrees of mental refinement and moral culture. In the eastern parts of Europe the sparks of freedom are yet scarcely kindled, in its centre they glimmer feebly and give indications of bursting out into a flame, in the west they shine with a brighter but far from a pure or a uniform lustre. It will be the great glory of the rising constitutional and freer age of European politics, that we shall have no longer these violent convulsions and volcanic throes, which, in the past century, have paved the way to freedom, dimmed the splendour of its progress, and diminished the value of its possession. War and its horrors will gradually disappear, private and national rights will be better understood, tyranny and oppression on the one hand, and popular revolutions and violence on the other, will be rendered powerless, and there will be a progressive illustration of the truth that "knowledge is power." Nothing can more effectually contribute to this end, than that the various nations of Europe should become still better acquainted with each other, with their manners, institutions, literature and resources. There are yet existing the strongest feelings of jealousy, and in many cases of unmitigated hostility and aversion, much of which is founded on mutual ignorance, on overweening national pride, or lazy indifference. Englishmen must be admitted to have stronger feelings of nationality and, perhaps, national pride, than any other people. This may be the result of their insular situation, of their comparatively small intercourse as a nation with other nations, and of their comparative ignorance of their institutions, customs and people. As far as the feeling is truly patriotic it is noble and elevating, as far as it prompts to the maintenance of the true honour, the commercial renown, and political greatness of the nation, may it never fail! but when it degenerates, as it VOL. I. b |