CHAPTER VIII.

First Visit to Richmond-President Davis.

PRESIDENT DAVIS's house is situated on the brink of one of the Richmond hills, looking to the north, a small stream running at its foot, and the rail to Gordonsville winding through the valley. There are two porticoes; the entrance one to the north, and the lawn and garden one to the south. The house is granted by the State. The negro servant ushered me into a lofty and cool dining-room, and in a few minutes in walked his Excellency; his height about 5 ft. 10 in., and shoulders broad, as they need be to bear his awful responsibilities; calm his eye, smooth his voice, measured his words; his whole demeanour making you feel at once at home: his dress of the plainest, being a suit of blue Virginia manufacture, a sort of light flannel-cloth. I enjoyed a cup of excellent tea. Mrs. Davis and the children were at Raleigh in North Carolina.

We sat down tête-à-tête, and

"When M. Mercier, the French Minister at Washington, came to Richmond, he had no interview with Mr. Davis. Gratitude to Britain was felt by the Confederate States for her conduct in the Mason and Slidell affair; but it would have been more dignified, they thought, if the British ship of war had received them at Fort Warren, instead of their being sent down the river to her in a tug. The United States they considered dissolved; therefore, the socalled ambassadors from the United States were really not so, since thirteen States had left the Union-and it was remarkable that this was the original number of those who entered it. This accounts for the United States' national flag in the navy and army having only thirteen stars in it; the secession of these States had broken up the United States' Government, and the remains of it were crumbling to pieces. The United States broke commercial treaties by the Morell and such like tariffs; but the Confederate States kept faith, and offered the principles of free trade to all the world, under an established, a de facto Government. The States are independent sovereignties of each one's people; and every people has the right of regulating its own existence. If any number of States chose to combine together for their common weal, they were

free to do so, and free to separate whenever the separation might be required pro bono publico. When the colonies became so strong and full grown as to be able to govern themselves, it was impolitic and tyrannical of Britain to endeavour to stop their separation by force. With such a Sovereign, such a Parliament, such a Government as England has now, it would never have been attempted; but still the colonies were dependencies-the States are independencies, and therefore have much more right of self-government the moment they desire it. After the Revolution it was like one son come of age and enjoying his inheritance; in course of time other sons spring up to age and demand their rights. If the English Government understood the circumstances, they could not do otherwise than recognize the Southern Confederacy. To call the Southern States rebels' was a misnomer and unjust: they merely asserted their rights; they had no idea of upsetting the Government which existed in the Northern States-they did not want to turn out Mr. Lincoln. The people of the States are no one's subjects,'—they are sovereign people: how can a sovereign rebel against himself? England by treaty acknowledged the States as sovereign States before the union took place, therefore it would only be

consistent in her now to recognize the confederacy of those who had settled it for themselves by their unanimous will. Canada would not be invaded by the North if England were to assert her rights of commerce, and break the blockade (which was contrary to all commercial treaties with Europe). The South would be a bar to such invasion; but if peace was achieved by the Confederate States without sympathy from England, the United States' army would not disband till it had attacked Canada, and how then could England expect the Confederate States to help them? whereas, if now recognized, they would gain the alliance of a nation already proved too strong for the United States, having beaten them in numerous battles. The question is not one of slavery: the negroes are 'the peasantry' of the Confederate States; let them alone; let the mischievous designs of Abolitionists be stopped by separation; then the condition of the negro will be improved. The State of Maine is ready to secede, and if the South was recognized would join Canada. This would be retribution for falsifying the charts and misleading Lord Ashburton in 1846, in settling the boundary line. As for Liberia, it is known that the free negroes take or buy negroes from the interior of Africa. The Confederate States' have

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passed a law, in Article I. Section ix. of the Constitution, forbidding the importation of negroes; the United States' never did this. If the Anti-Slavery Society of England knew the condition of the negroes in the South, their principles would not stand in the way of recognition. No labourers in the world are so well treated. The Yankees have no feeling for negroes. You never see a negro beggar in the South: ifa master has only one half ration he shares it with his negro servant. Many think the institution' a burden; but it cannot be helped at present: it is handed down-the British mother bequeathed it -it can only be abolished by course of time and free will, not by force or interference."

A lady in Richmond gave me her ideas on the war. "As for the negroes," she said, "their condition was much improved of late, and the bishops and clergy in convention were exerting themselves to prevent the ties of matrimony being broken by sale: public feeling was against the separation, but that was not enough—a law must be passed. O do,” she said, "get England to recognize us as a nation; we want no more; they would only be recognizing a fact. See how we get on in spite of the blockade ! No tea or coffee-no sugar-no ice-no salt-no soap; yet we bear it all, and have plenty of food