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fore unfit to be retained on the statute books. He concluded by moving the Resolutions which are inserted below.

Mr. PEACOCK seconded the motion. Even Churchmen, he observed, complained that the law compelled them to take the sacrament to qualify them for a seat in that Court. To the Dissenters the grievance was of course much greater. He referred to the Nonconformists as being, at the time of passing these Acts, the true friends of the Constitution, and the defenders of the liberties of the country. They had made many sacrifices to serve the public. They had not forfeited their former character, and were, therefore, entitled to relief as their right. He fully agreed in the resolutions, and concurred in the propriety of not presenting a petition at this particular juncture.

Mr. DIXON spoke against the resolutions. He complained that the mover had not treated the Court fairly in departing from the terms of the requisition, which announced the intention to petition. He thought he ought to have acted on his own judgment and brought the whole measure forward at once, rather than comply with the wishes of certain members of Parliament who had agreed, for particular party reasons, to postpone this and other important questious. He could see no ground for seeking the repeal of these Acts. Such had been the practical course pursued by the Church of England, that no obstacle had been placed in any man's way to prevent his rising in his condition. The Acts had, in his opinion, produced no practical evil. He wished to know who suffered from them? As they occasioned no real inconvenience, he was for letting well alone. He knew there existed a disposition to innovation, and he could not but consider this as an experiment to entrap the Court into declaratory resolutions, when the gentleman would not hazard his cause in Parliament. He concluded by moving, as an amendment, the previous question. Mr. SAVAGE Seconded the amendment. He viewed the original resolutions, not only as contemplating the repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts, but also as a step designed to promote the great question of Catholic Emancipation, which he hoped no Englishman would support.

Mr. Alderman WOOD regretted that the mover (Mr. Favell) had not acted on his original intentions of petition ing Parliament. He wished to go all lengths with him, and he should there

fore certainly vote for the resolutions. He adverted in strong terms to the oppressive operation of the Acts in question on foreigners, who, on their settlement in this country, were compelled to qualify under them. He knew an instance of a respectable gentleman who had been kept in a state of the utmost terror for a month because he could not bend his conscience to conform to the Sacramental Test. He was not one who would pledge himself to support any minister by postponing great questions in which the interests of the public were concerned. He thought the ministry ought to have the opinion of this Court on the question under discussion. He did not blame Mr. Canning for the declaration he had made, though, perhaps, he had been goaded to it. That gentleman had never been the advocate or friend of the measure to which he had then announced his hostility. He was for going at once to Parliament. The question related to many besides the Dissenters, and was of deep interest to every member of the Church of England who was compelled to take the sacrament as a qualification for office.

Mr. Alderman WAITHMAN admitted, with his honourable colleague, that it was the duty of every member of the Legislature to act on his own independent opinion; yet he felt that he ought to support that party in Parliament which was disposed to carry on liberal measures. He also thought that the people were bound to support the prerogative of the crown in the choice of its ministers. As there was nothing perfect in human institutions, he considered it right to get all the good he could when we failed to obtain all that we wished. On this account he would avoid pressing any measure which should tend to embarrass the new administration. Mr. Dixon had said, that no person had opposed obstacles to the admission of members to that Court from the Acts under consideration. He (Mr. W.) knew that a disposition had existed to put them in force against himself. But supposing this had not been the case, why should the Court sanction a law which put this in any man's power? He deprecated the idea that we were to be bound in all things by the wisdom of our ancestors, who might have had particular reasons for their proceedings which had long ceased to operate. If we acted on this principle there would be an end of all improvements. Were we to abstain from our efforts in this case, merely because the laws of which

we sought the repeal were so tyrannical that no public body had ever had the courage to put them in force? He was quite sure that if an attempt were made to carry them into execution, they would be deemed so oppressive that the feelings of the whole country would revolt; and he was certain that he should have with him the honourable gentleman himself, who was now for leaving them as they are. It was his opinion, however, that it would be inexpedient to petition at this time, but he would vote for the resolutions.

Mr. JUPP was against petitioning Parliament at present, but would also support the resolutions. The question appeared to him to be twofold - first, whether any test were necessary-and, secondly, whether such a test as that imposed by these Acts was necessary? His opinion was against both. Histotorically, the Acts were not meant to affect Dissenters, and would not have been carried had they not joined in passing them with the view of opposing the Roman Catholics. And the House of Commons, in the very same session, passed an act to relieve the Dissenters from their operation. He considered them as holding out a bribe to hypocrisy; they also tied up the hands of the government, and prevented its availing itself of the services of the Dissenters.

Mr. STEVENS Could not as a Dissenter approve the manner in which the question had been brought forward. He was a friend of the Church of England as an Act-of-Parliament Church, because he considered it as acting more tolerantly than any other church of the same kind. God forbid that any party he knew should supersede it as a church established by law. But the Church of England could not be looked upon by the Dissenters as the church of God. The head of the former was a man, but the head of the latter was God. (Great murmurs.) He was against postponing the petition. The promoters of the measure could not hope by the delay to win a single vote. He thought this the fit time to bring it forward. Nothing would be gained by temporising, especially after the declaration of the Minister that he would oppose two measures comprehending the civil and religious liberties of the country. He was decidedly averse to the imposition of an ordinance deemed religious as a test for civil offices. In his opinion they ought not to suspend their proceedings on account of the Catholic question; he thought the subjects quite distinct.

Mr. RICHARD TAYLOR agreed with the Honourable Alderman, (Waithman,) that it would not be proper to press the petition at the present time. His reason was, that the liberal questions were now taken up by their enemies for factious purposes. During the existing turmoil in Parliament, he was sure the subject could not be discussed with that coolness which its importance demanded. He approved of all the resolutions. He considered the question as important not alone to the Dissenters, but in an especial manner to the Corporation itself. The Corporation and Test Acts interfered with its most important rights, the right of governing itself as a civil community, and of making its own selection of the persons best calculated for managing its affairs and preserving its privileges. He conceived that no person who, by his talents and character, was fitted for any office, should be by law excluded from it. It had been said by an honourable member, that there was a disposition to innovation. He would tell that gentleman that the Corporation and Test Acts were themselves among the greatest of innovations on the rights of that Corporation, and of all other chartered companies, which had existed long before those statutes were known. They went to confine all offices to those who were by religions profession of the same Church as the persons by whom they were passed. They, therefore, restrained the power of the Corporation to rule itself, and to choose its own members. The Acts were made for temporary purposes, and therefore ought long ago to have been repealed. The Corporation Act was aimed, not against Papists, but against certain turbulent persons, on the restoration of Charles the Second. It was in its character and object like the notorious Six Acts, and, like them, when the pretended necessity had ceased, ought to have been expunged from the Statute Books. When it was passed, a party in the House of Lords wished to give the Crown the power of appointing to all corporate offices. James the Second actually assumed this power, and abused it by removing some members from the Corporation of London. Both the Acts affected also the serious clergyman, obliging him to violate his conscience by assisting in the abuse of a religious ordinance, when required to administer the sacrament as a qualification for a secular office.

Mr. PELLATT observed, that it was not true that no practical inconvenience

had been suffered from the operation of these laws. On the passing of the Test Act in Ireland, the Corporation of Derry had been broken up, because the members could not comply with the Statute. An attempt had also been made in London to exclude a gentleman from the Corporation. It failed, merely because the party against whom the attack was aimed, happened to carry in his pocket the certificate of his qualification.

Mr. PEWTRESS knew that the Acts had occasioned much inconvenience in some of the Wards in London. Persons of respectablity could not be found to undertake offices of trust because they were compelled to qualify. They were, on this account, obliged to look to other Wards for candidates for these situations. The inconvenience experienced in London was much greater in the country, where gentlemen of fortune were prevented from serving their respective neighbourhoods, because they were obliged first to submit to the obnoxious Test.

Mr. FAVELL made a few observations in reply to some of the speakers. The Recorder then put the question on Mr. Dixon's amendment, which was lost by a large majority; after which the original Resolutions were carried by a majority equally great.

Resolutions.

Resolved, That this Court is deeply impressed with the injustice and impolicy of the Corporation and Test Acts, which were passed in times when almost all parties were opposed to the rights of conscience, and to the principles of religious liberty.

That they inflict on persons who do not qualify under them the most severe penalties. Besides the fine of £500, they are rendered incapable of prosecuting any action or suit in law or equity -from being guardian of any child, or acting as executor or administrator of any person, or from receiving any legacy or deed of gift, or bearing any office within the realm of England; and all these punishments apply to persons who enter corporations or chartered companies, or take certain offices or commissions appointed by the Crown, without first receiving the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper according to the rites of the Church of England.

That while they limit the prerogative of the Crown in rewarding merit, they convey imputations of disloyalty upon those classes of his Majesty's subjects among Nonconformists, who have been

at all times amongst the most zealous supporters of the House of Brunswick, and of the principles of the British Constitution.

That if these Acts had been enforced during the late war, a very large proportion of the volunteer officers would have been subjected to the most ruinous penalties.

That all persons born and educated in Scotland, under the Presbyterian religion, established by law, are required to conform to these laws when they accept of offices in England, or enter into His Majesty's army or navy.

That in Ireland, where the members of the Church of England are in a minority, the Corporation Act has never existed, and the Test Act has been long since repealed.

That the disabilities under these Acts are so numerous, that if enforced they would unsettle the questious of property throughout the kingdom, which has doubtless induced the government to pass an act of indemnity every year, allowing further time for qualifying, exhibiting the most extraordinary anomaly in the history of legislation, by which laws are retained upon the statute book, and constantly nullified as unfit to operate in society.

That they are contrary to the interests and privileges of this Corporation, by enabling many persons, in other respects duly qualified, to decline the highest offices of the magistracy in this city without being liable to those fines which are levied upon their fellow-citizens.

That many of the members of the Church of England, as well as Dissenters, consider these Acts as a violation of the sacred ordinance of the Lord's Supper, when applied as a test for civil purposes, and as totally contrary to the spirit of the institution, the object of which our Saviour declared, by saying, "Do this in remembrance of me."

That, anxious as this Court must ever feel to evince its attachment to the political and religious institutions of the country, it cannot better discharge that duty than by recommending measures of peace and liberality, that all parties may unite in the service of their country; and being, above all, anxious, for the sake of religion and piety, to promote the repeal of enactments which turn the holiest ordinance of religion iuto a qualification and passport for power, and impose restraints on the Church itself, to the free administration of its religious service, and invite men to its communion with far other feelings than such

as tend to purify the heart or amend the life.

That we agree with the excellent sentiments of the late Lord Mansfield, which were delivered in the House of Lords upon the case of the City against Allen Evans, where he said, "What bloodshed and confusion have been occasioned, from the reign of Henry IV., when the first penal statutes were enacted, down to the Revolution in this kingdom, by laws made to force conscience!"

There is certainly nothing more unreasonable-more inconsistent with the rights of human nature-more contrary to the spirit and precepts of the Christian religion-more iniquitous and unjust more impolitic, than persecution-it is against natural religion, revealed religiou, and sound policy.

WOODTHORPE,

Protestant Society for the Protection

of Religious Liberty.

On Saturday, May 12, the Anniversary Meeting of the friends and subscribers of this Society was held at the City of London Tavern. Lord Milton in the Chair.

Mr. WILKS read the report, which was exceedingly voluminous, and which was meant to embody the facts that had been usually developed in the eloquent address of that gentleman at the annual meetings of the Society. The report principally consisted of details of minor oppressions and persecutions to which, in some places, the Dissenters had been exposed, and in which instances relief, and as far as the law allowed reparation, were obtained through the means of this Society. At Winchester a magistrate had ordered a person who was preaching in the street into custody, and subsequently sent him to prison, for which conduct the committee brought an action of false imprisonment, which the magistrate was happy to compound by the payment of £10, besides £50 for costs. It then enumerated several places where the rites of Christian burial had been refused to Dissenters, and two instances where the clergyman had absolutely refused to marry a couple who presented themselves for that purpose, unless the brides would permit him in the first place to baptize them according to the ritual of the Church of England. After various other details it proceeded to touch upon the repeal of the Test and Corporation

Acts. It stated, when they had first determined to bring their grievances before the attention of Parliament, and to petition for relief, they did so under the most pleasing auspices, and with the most sanguine hopes of success; but from the lamented illness of Lord Liverpool, in whom they had always found a kind and a consistent friend, and the subsequent changes in the administration of the country, that hope, they were sorry to say, had very considerably abated. They were, however, determined temperately, but firmly, to pro ceed until the object of their just wishes and expectations was attained. Petitions were in the course of preparation from every city, town and village, in England and Wales; and the committee, with great satisfaction, informed the meeting, that not only members of the Established Church, but, in a number of instances, clergymen and magistrates, not only signed their petitions themselves, but used all their influence in procuring the signatures of others. Under these circumstances, although they did not expect immediate success, they must ultimately prevail. The report then alluded to the expressed determination of the First Lord of the Treasury to oppose their claims: it lamented that fact, and the more so, that it should have been given so gratuitously, and without suffering them even to state their claims: it was an obstacle they did not expect to have to encounter, but it did not cause them to despair. It then stated, that it had been a matter of considerable doubt to the committee, whether or not it would be proper for them to press their claims upon the government this session, in delicacy to the administration; but the consideration that those claims had been brought forward before that change occurred, and the opposition they now found they were to expect, had determined them to proceed by the adoption of every lawful means in their power for the immediate recovery of their indisputable rights; though it yet remained a matter of some doubt whether they recommended proceeding_by petition or by protest. The report then passed a high eulogium on Lord John Russell, to whose able management their cause in Parliament was intrusted, and concluded by stating what their honour and their duty equally required, that they should "proceed temperately and firmly, but with an energy and spirit increasing with their difficulties."

The meeting was then addressed by

several ministers, chiefly from the country, who moved some of the resolutions, which we shall insert below.

to Catholics and Dissenters. One of his strongest private reasons for affording relief to the Catholics was, that nothing would more essentially contribute to emancipate them from the blinding power and dominion of their priests, than the removal of the disabilities under which they so unjustly laboured. If the agitation of this question would necessarily tend to overturn the present administration, he trusted, that, notwithstanding the hasty declaration of the first Lord of the Treasury, their love of civil liberty would prevent them from bringing it forward at this particular juncture. But as they had given previous notice of their intention-as many petitions were prepared-as their case needed explanation-as their cause was great and just—as no advantage would be attendant on delay,-he should now advise them to persevere, and would conscientiously afford his, perhaps feeble, but warm support.

Mr. EASTHOPE, M. P. for St. Albans, in proposing one of the resolutions said, that understanding it to be the opinion of an enlightened statesman, whose accession to power he hailed with sincere pleasure and hope, that all the disabilities under which the Dissenters laboured were merely theoretic; and perceiving it likely that he might be called upon in the House of Commons to deliver his sentiments, he had felt it his duty to come where he might gain information, because he was sure, if he were satisfied that the objections were purely theoretic, it would reduce much of his anxiety on that question. He confessed, however, that he was now more surprised than ever, at the statement which had passed the lips of the minister of the crown. Was it not more than theoretic, that those who bore rank in society, and were distinguished by every thing which entitled them to confidence and respect, were told that the doors of the meanest offices of the state were shut against them, unless they submitted to a test, to which in their conscience they could not submit? Was it not more than theoretic, that persons born and educated on the north side of the Tweed, and there enjoying all the privileges of the state, should, the moment they passed that river, be laid under proscriptions, which were revolting to every honourable mind? To him it was matter of surprise, that these galling disabilities had not oftener been the subject of indignant complaint. Nothing was so much wanted for the relief of the Dissenters, as an uniform, a consistent, but temperate expression of their grievances. In bringing forward their complaints, the Dissenters must naturally think that the declaration of the Premier placed them in a different situation than if it had not been made. Mr. Canning was understood to say, that it was his anxious desire to afford relief to the Roman Catholics, but he saw no reason for relieving the Dissenters; and he followed up that opinion by saying, that the grievances of the latter were merely theoretic. Now he (Mr. Easthope) was an ardent and unqualified advocate for both; and the principle of his opinion was, that no man should be amenable to his fellow-men for the exercise of a conscientious worship, that being a matter between his conscience and his God. The rights of conscience were the only intelligible grounds for advocating relief both VOL. I.

After thanks had been voted to the Secretaries, Mr. WILKS rose, and began by stating, that he had resolved not to speak, but that their kindness had moved him from his purpose. He proceeded for some time with a rapid and eloquent review of the various grievances stated in the report, and which had occupied much of the attention of the Committee during the passed year. In adverting to the subject of the Corporation and Test Acts he remarked, that he should not rest satisfied till those statutes were repealed. Of their origin, their intolerance, their persecuting principles, and their offensive operations, much had been well said, and more was needless. Their introduc tion should, however, blazon in characters of fire a lesson to mankind. If, at the times of their enactment, the Dissenters had preferred principle to prejudices, nor meanly helped to forge chains for themselves, that others might be chained, the clanking of these chains would never have been heard, and we should not now be required to struggle, that the fetters might be broken. Let men ever proclaim and adhere to truth and principle, and confidently leave their destinies and furtune to justice and to heaven. But the fetters must now be broken, or at least we will prove that we are not heedless of their infamy, nor desire to hug our chains. The meeting had already evidenced their opinion, that no circumstances which have occurred recently, and since the application for relief had been announced, should induce a postponement of the attempt, In that opinion he concurred. Indeed, 2 н

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